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Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2011 with funding from 
The Library of Congress 



http://www.archive.org/details/innocentgreatess01piri 



INNOCENT THE GREAT 



INNOCENT 
THE GREAT 

AN ESSAY ON HIS 
LIFE AND TIMES 



BY 



C. H. C. PIRIE-GORDON, B.A. 



LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 

NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA 

1907 

All rights reserved 



:P5 






>'/ 



PATRI 

COMI ADMIRABILI : 

MATRI 

INDEFESSAE AMABILI 

HAS PRIMITIAS 

D.D.D. 

FILIUS 



Nos, Fridericus, Congr. Human, propraef. 
Ord. SS. Soph, et Michael, Congr. Indie, 
propraef. Ord. SS. Soph, ut in typis ex- 
primatur liber appellatus Innocent the Great, 
auctore C. H. C. Pirie-Gordon, postulamus. 

Conceditur 

Harricus, Magnusmagister Ord. SS. Spph. 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Author's Statement concerning Authorities . ix 
Principal contemporary Princes and Prelates . xv 

CHAP. 

I. Concerning the Period of Innocent the 

Third i 

II. Concerning Lothario de' Conti di Segni . 10 
III. Concerning Innocent the Third and the 

Empire 21 

IIII. Concerning Innocent the Third and the 

Fourth Crusade 56 

V. Concerning Innocent the Third and Sicily 82 
VI. Concerning Innocent the Third and the 

Albigensian Syncretism . . . .100 
VII. Concerning Innocent the Third and England 129 
VIII. Concerning Innocent the Third and the 

City 151 

Villi. Concerning Other Acts of Innocent the 

Third . . . . • . . . 179 
X. Concerning the Character of Innocent the 

Great 200 

APPENDICES 

I. The College of Cardinals at the Election 

of Innocent the Third . . . .211 

II. The Creatures of Pope Innocent the Third . 214 
III. The College of Cardinals at the Death of 

Innocent the Third . . . . .218 



Vlll 



CONTENTS 



IIII. Sermon of Innocent the Third, preached at 

His Own Consecration 220 

V. Writings of Cardinal Lothario de' Conti, 

AFTERWARDS POPE INNOCENT THE THIRD . 230 

VI. Correspondence of Innocent the Third . . 235 



MAPS 



1. Of the Toulousain . 

2. Of the Patrimony . 

3. Of Spain .... 

4. Of the Empire and Sicily 



To face page 102 
„ „ i5 2 



J 



„ 185 4 

at the end J 



GENEALOGICAL TABLES 

A. The House of- Conti 

B. The Byzantines 

C. The Emperors of Romania . 

D. The House of Montferrat . 

E. The Empire, Sicily and Antioch 

F. The Plantagenets . 

G. The Kings of Jerusalem 
H. The Houses of France and Spain 



To face page 10 


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11 


66 / 

J 


n 


11 
11 


70 j 

72^ 


»j 


>> 


92 V 


11 


11 


130 


JJ 


11 


184 > 


11 


11 


190 ^ 



AUTHOR'S STATEMENT CONCERNING 
AUTHORITIES 

By the courtesy of The Eminence of Cardinal 
Raphael Merry Del Val, (Cardinal-Presbyter 
of the Title of Santa Prassede, and Secretary of 
State to The Holiness of Pope Pius the Tenth,) 
of Mr. A. E. Cowley, M.A. (Fellow of Magdalen 
College, Oxford, and Bodley's Sublibrarian,) and 
of the Reverend F. S. Ehrle, S.J., Hon. D.C.L. 
Oxford, Hon. Litt.D. Cambridge, (and Subprefect 
of the Vatican Library,) the following manu- 
scripts of prime importance have been consulted 
by me for this monograph : — 

i. Codices Ottobonianiae (Altemps) IV. 27, 433 (in the 

Vatican Library). 
2. Regesta Innocentj PP. III. Tom. i, viii. (in the Vatican 

Archives). 

As far as I have been able to discover, the 
documents relating to the period of Innocent the 
Third have been published in extenso by the Abbe 
Migne ; and the Bulls and Epistles have been 
collated by Potthast in his Regesta. But, when 
I compared the mss. of the Ottoboni collection 
(two of which are early XIII century) in the 
Vatican Library, and the Regesta of the reign of 



x AUTHOR'S STATEMENT 

Innocent the Third, (contained in a series of vellum 
volumes, beautifully written and marginally illus- 
trated with beasts and quaint conceits, which con- 
stitute the Official Records or duplicates of Bulls 
and Epistles in the Vatican Archives), with the 
printed writings of this pontiff as published by the 
Abb6 Migne, who reprints Baluze's XVII century 
edition, there appeared to be frequent textual 
differences, and not a few interpolations in the 
print. A portion of the Altemps ms. (officially 
known as Codex Ottoboniana IV) is here inter- 
lineally compared with Migne. According to the 
Rev. H. M. Bannister, a Vatican palaeographer, 
this Codex dates from the first half of the XIII 
century, with corrections of the second half of 
the same. The author is unknown ; and the 
name of the library whence the ms. came into the 
Altemps collection has been very carefully erased 
with a knife, (excepting " Libr. de San"). It is 
also further defaced with a XVII century script. 
The ms. is thought to have been stolen : is un- 
doubtedly authentic; and is headed in red " Incipit 
Liber de Sacramtis Ecclie a dno Innocetio PP 
tertio." It is divided into sections, by big sub- 
headings written in red ; but Migne's printed 
enumeration of these does not coincide with that 
of the ms. As is natural in a work of the period, 
abbreviations are much used : e.g. the scribe has 
the disconcerting habit of inserting only the initial 
letter of each word in quotations from Holy Writ. 



AUTHOR'S STATEMENT xi 

The following are specimens of the Abbe Migne's 
inaccuracies and interpolations. 1 

Altemps MS. 433 De Sacramentis. Liber III. Caput X. 

Migne. Quare non fit commemoratio confessorum in canone 
Codex. „ „ fiat „ „ „ „ 

Altemps MSS. No. 22. — Ottobonianiae ccccxxxiii 
(late XI I II century.) 

Migne. Lib. I. De Contemptu Mundi. Caput xxv De Terror 
Codex. Lib. I. De Viciis et Virtutibus. Caput xxiv „ „ 

M. Somniorum. Est non conceditur esse quietum nam terrant 
C. Sompniorum. „ „ „ „ „ „ „ 

M. somnia visiones conturbant et licet non sint in 
C. sompnia „ „ „ „ „ „ „ 

M. veritate tristia vel terribilia seu laboriosa quae. 

^-" ;> j> ^* » j) » 5> 

M. somniant somniantes tamen in veritate Mistantur 

C. „ „ „ „ „ Mistentur 

M. terrentur et fatigantur in tantum ut aliquando 

^' >> j) >> jj j> •>■> \ • ' • • ) 

M. dormientes lacrymentur et evigilantes saepissime 

C. lacrymentur dormientes „ vigilantes ( ) 

M. conturbentur si vero jucundiim quid viderini nihilominus 
C. conturbantur ( ) 

M. evigilantes tristarentur tanquam illud amiserint 

C ( ) 

M. Adverte quid super hoc dicat Eliphas Themanites in 
C. „ „ ( ) eliphatemanites „ 

M. horrore visiones nocturnae sum solet sopor occupare 
C. terrore „ ,, quae „ occupare sopor 

M. homines pavor tenuit me et tremor et omnia ossa 
C 

M. me perterrita sunt et cum spiritus (...) me praesente 
C. „ perterita „ „ „ „ meus „ „ 

M. transiret inhorruerunt pili carnis meae considera. 

C. ,, „ „ carnibusmei considerabantur 

M. Job dicentem si dixero consolabitur me rectus meus 
C 

1 Interpolations are italicized. 



xii AUTHOR'S STATEMENT 

M. et relevabor loquens mecum in strato meo terrebis me 

C. ,, ,j )) J) 5) )) )> )) )) 

M. per somnia etper visiones horrore concuties. 

C. „ sompnia „ (. . ) „ terrore meo concutiens. 

M. Nabuchodonosor somnium videt quod ( . . ) eum valde 
C. Nabukodnosor sompnium „ ( . • ) et eum „ 

M. perterruit et visiones capitis ejus conturbaverunt eum. 
C. perteruit „ „ „ eius „ „ 

M. Multas curas sequuntur somnia et ubi multa somnia 
C. „ „ „ sompnia „ „ sunt sompnia 

M. vanitates plurimae. Multos errare facerunt somnia 
C. multe sunt vanitatus. „ „ „ sompnia 

M. et exciderunt sperantes in illis. 
^" (■) » » >> » 

Regarding printed authorities for the reign of 
Innocent the Third, the following represent the 
chief works which I have found useful. 

i. Acta Concilia: Tom. I, pars ii. 

2. Buchon : Recherches Historiques sur la Principaute" Fran- 
faise de More'e. 

3. Bury: Annotated edition of Gibbon, (See below.) 

4. Ciacconius and Oldoinus : Vitae Pontificum Romanorum 
6** S. R. E. Cardinalium. 

5. Conybeare : Key of Truth. App. VI. 

6. Cristofori : Storia dei Cardinali. 

7. De Montot : Histoire des Souverains Pontifes Romains. 

8. Devic & Vaissete : Histoire Generate de Languedoc. 
Tom. VI. Edition 1876. 

9. Gams : Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae. 

10. Gibbon : Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, edited by 
J. B. Bury. Tom. VI, VII. 

1 1. Gregorovius : Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter. 

12. „ Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter. 

13. Guldencrone: L'Achaie Feodale. 

14. Huillard-Breholles : Historia Biplomatica Friderici Secundi, 
Tom. I, II. 



AUTHOR'S STATEMENT xiii 

15. Hurter: Geschichte des Papst Innocenz des Dritten und 
seiner Zeitgenossen, Tom. I, II, III. 

16. Labbe & Cossarti : Sacrosancta Concilia, Tom. XI. 

17. Lavisse : Histoire de France. 

18. Lavisse & Rambaud : Histoire Generate, Tom. II. 

19. Luchaire: Les premiers Capitiens, (1883) 

20. ,, , Z ' Universitede Paris sous Philippe Auguste,(iSgg). 

21. „ Les Registres d Innocent III, (1904). 

22. ,, Innocent III, Pome 6° FItalie, (1905). 

23. ,, Innocent III, La Croisade des Albigeois, (1905). 

24. ,, Innocent III, La Papaute 6° V Empire, (1906). 

25. Marangoni : Chronologia Romanorum Pontificum. 

26. Michaud : Histoire des Croisades. 

27. Migne : Patrologia Latina, Tom. 214-218. 

28. Muratori & Baluze : Script. Rer. Ital. (Gesta Innocentj 
III) Tom. III. 

29. Potthast: Regesta, Tom. I. 

30. Rodd : The Princes of Achaia and the Chronicle of the 
Morea. 

3 1 . Rolls Series : Itinerarium Regis Ricardi. 

32. Rymer: Foedera, Tom. I. 

33. Sismondi : Histoire des Franfais. 

34. Stokvis : Manuel de Genealogie. 

35. Stubbs : Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum. 

36. Theiner : Codex Diplomaticus Domini Temporalis Sanctae 
Sedis. Tom. I. 

37. Tout: Art. on Pandulf. in Die. Nat. Biog. 

I wish to express my thanks to the Professor of 
History at the Owens College, Victoria University, 
Manchester, (T. F. Tout, M.A., formerly Fellow 
of Pembroke College, Oxford,) for his kind sug- 
gestions ; and to the Reader in Diplomatic at 
Oxford, (R. L. Poole, M.A., Ph.D., Fellow of 
Magdalen College) for much good advice. 

I have only to add that, in the matter of assign- 
ing capital letters to the pontifical pronouns, I 



xiiii AUTHOR'S STATEMENT 

have followed the traditional usage, now happily 
reviving. Names of foreigners are given, as far 
as possible, in the forms which were actually used : 
excepting in the cases of the more renowned 
among them, who are better known under the 
English equivalents. 

C. H. C. Pirie-Gordon. 

Oxford, Saint Peter's Day 1907. 



PRINCIPAL CONTEMPORARY PRINCES 

AND PRELATES MENTIONED IN 

THE TEXT 



THE WESTERN EMPIRE 

Succ. as King. Crowned as Emp. Died. 



Frederick I Barbarossa 


1152 




"55 




1190 


Henry VI 


1190 




1191 




1197 


Otto IIII 


1201 1 




1200 




1218 


Philip II 


1198 




— 




1208 


Frederick II Stupor Mundi 1 197 




1220 




1250 


Bohemia. Jupans. 


Succ. as King 




Died. 




Frederick 




1179 




1189 




Konrad-Otto 




1189 




1191 




Waclaw II 




1191 




1192 




Kings. 












Premysl Ottokar I 




1192 




"93 




Bretislaw Jindrich 




1193 




1197 




Wladislaw III Jindrich 




1197 








Premysl Ottokar I (rest.) 




1197 




1230 




Austria. Dukes. 


House 


of Babenberg. 






Leopold V 




1177 




1 194 




Frederick I 




1194 




1198 




Leopold VI 




1198 




1230 




Bavaria. Dukes. 


House 


of Wittelsbach 






Otto I 




1180 




1183 




Ludwig I 




1183 




1231 




Swabia. Dukes. 


House of Hokenstauffen. 






Frederick V 




1167 




1191 




Konrad II 




1191 




1 196 




Philip 




1 1 96 




1208 




(Emp.) Frederick VI 




1208 




1216 





1 Date of Papal recognition : he was "elected" in May ii( 



n8o 


1212 


1212 


1260 


II76 


I205 


I205 


I2o6 


I206 


1213 


1213 


I220 



xvi PRINCES AND PRELATES 

Saxony. Dukes. 
Bernard III 
Albert I 

Lorraine. Dukes. 
Simon II 
Frederick I 
Frederick II 
Dietbald I 

EASTERN EMPIRE. 
Greek Basileis of Byzantion. 
Alexios II Komnenos 
Andronikos II Komnenos 
Isaak II Angelos 
Alexios III Angelos 
/Isaak II Angelos (rest.)\ 
lAlexios IIII Angelos / 
Alexios V Dukas. " Murtzouphlos " 
Theodoros I Laskaris (at Nikaia) 

Greek Basileus of Trebizonde. 
Alexios I Komnenos 1204 1222 

Greek Despots of Epiros. 
Mikhael I Angelos 1204 12 14 

Theodoros Angelos 1214 1230 

Latin Emperors of Constantinople (Romania). 
Baldwin I (viiii as Count of 

Flanders) 1204 1205 

Henry 1206 12 16 

Latin Kings of Thessalonika. 
Boniface (Marquess of Montferrat) 1 204 1 207 

Demetrios I 1207 1222 

Feudal Lord (Megaskyros) of Athens. 
Othon de la Roche 1205 1225 

Feudal Princes of Akhaia. 
William I de Champlitte 1205 1209 

Geoffrey I de Villehardouin 1209 12 18 

Feudal Duke of Naxos. 
Marco I Sanudo 1207 1227 



1180 


1183 


1183 


1185 


1185 


"95 


JI 95 


1203 


1203 


1204 


s" 


1204 


1204 


1222 



PRINCES AND PRELATES xvii 



Admirals (Megadux) of 






Lemnos. 






Filocalo Navigajoso 


1207 


1214 


Lionardo 


1214 


1260 



THE BALKANS. 

Servi A. Grand Zufians, 

Stefan Nemanya 1186 1195 
Stefan Vencian Prvovencani 

Nemanyic I 11 95 1224 

Bulgaria. Kings. Succ. as King. Died. 

Iovan Asen I 1186 1196 

Petar II 1196 1197 

Ioannike-Kaloyan (Kalojohannes) 1197 1207 

Boril 1207 12 18 

Bosnia. Bans. 

Kulin 1 1 80 1204 

Stefan I 1204 1232 

ENGLAND. 

Kings. House of Plantagenet. 

Henry II Fitzempress 1154 1189 

Richard I Lionheart 11 89 11 99 

John Softsword 1199 121 5 
North Wales. Princes. 

Dafydd I ap Owain 1171 11 94 

Llewelyn II ap Iorwerth 1194 1240 

SCOTLAND. 
Kings. 

William the Lyon 1 1 65 1214 

Alexander II 1214 1249 

FRANCE. 
King. 

Philip II the August 1180 1223 

Brittany. Dukes. 

Constance 1186 11 96 

Arthur 119 6 I2 °3 

Guy de Thouars 1 2 03 1 2 1 3 

Peter I Mauclerc 12 13 1237 



xviii PRINCES AND PRELATES 



Burgundy. Dukes. 






Hugh III 


1162 


1192 


Eudes III 


1192 


1218 


Champagne. Counts. 






Henry II 


1181 


1197 


Thibaut III 


1197 


1201 


Thibaut IIII 


1201 


1253 


Provence. Counts. 






Alfonso II 


1185 


1209 


Raymond Berenger IIII 


1209 


1245 


Toulouse. Counts. 






Raymond V 


1 148 


1194 


Alfonso II 


11 


94 


Raymond VI 


1194 


1222 



Simon de Montfort received investiture from the 
King of France x Apr. 1 2 1 6, after holding the county 
by right of conquest and papal permission since 12 13. 

SCANDINAVIAN STATES. 
Norway. Kings. 
Sverri 1177 1202 

(Three Usurpations 1185, 1202) 

Haakon IIII 1202 1204 

Guthorm 1204 1205 

Inge II 1205 1207 

(Two Usurpations 1205, 1208) 
Denmark. Kings. Succ. as King. Died. 

1202 
1241 

1196 
1208 
1216 



1196 
1204 
1205 
1235 



Knut VI 


1182 


Waldemar II 


1202 


Sweden. Kings. 




Knut I 


1167 


Sverker II 


1196 


ErikX 


1208 


Kings. 


HUNGARY. 


Bela III 


1174 


Imre 


1 1 96 


Laslo III 


1204 


Endre II 


1205 



PRINCES AND PRELATES xviiii 



POLANE 


». 




Kings. 






Kasimir II 


"77 


1200 


Mscislaw III 


I200 


1201 


Leszek II 




1201 


Mscislaw III (rest.) 


I20I 


1202 


Wladtslaw III 


I202 


1206 


Leszek II (rest.) 


I2o6 


1227 


THE EAST. 




Armenia. Kings. 






Rhupen III 


"75 


"85 


Levon II 


H85 


1219 


Cyprus. Kings. House < 


if Lusignan. 


Guy I 


1192 


1 1 94 (Jerusalem) 


Amaury I 


"95 


1205 (Jerusalem) 


Hugh I 


1205 


1238 


Jerusalem. Kings. 






Guy I de Lusignan 


1186 


1 192 (Cyprus) 


Konrad de Montferrat 


1191 


1192 


Henry de Champagne 


1192 


"97 


Amaury II de Lusignan 


1198 


1205 (Cyprus) 


Isabelle d'Anjou 


1205 


1208 


Marie de Montfort 


1208 


1210 


Jean de Brienne 


1210 


1225 


ANTIOCH. Princes. 






Bohemond III 


1 163 


1201 


Bohemond IIII 


1201 


1205 (Tripoli) 


Raymond II Rupin 


1205 


1208 


Bohemond IIII (rest.) 


1208 


1216 


Raymond II Rupin (rest.) 


1216 


1219 


Tripoli. Counts. 






Raymond III 


1187 


1200 


Bohemond I (IIII of Antioch) 


1200 


1233 


The Saracens. 






Malek en Nasr I Salah ed din 






Abu l'Modhaffer Yusuf 






(Saladin) 


"73 


"93 


Malek el Afdhal Nur ed din 






AH (Nureddin) 


"93 


1 1 98 



XX 



PRINCES AND PRELATES 



Malek el Adel Seif ed din 
Abubekr Muhammed 
(Saphadin) 



1 198 



1218 



THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 

Aragon. Kings. 

Alfonso II 1 162 1 196 

Peyre II 1196 1213 

Jayme I 1213 1276 

Castile. Kings. 
Alfonso Villi 



Enrique I 

Leon. Kings. 
Fernando II 
Alfonso Villi 



Navarre. Kings. 
Sancho VI 
Sancho VII 

Portugal. Kings. 
Sancho I 
Affonso II 



1158 
1214 

"57 

1188 



1150 
1 194 

"85 

121 1 



1 2 14 
1217 

1 188 

1229 (Castile 
1217-1229) 

1 194 
1234 

1211 
1223 



ITALY. 



The Holy See. 
Alexander P.M. Ill 
Lucius P.M. Ill 
Urban P.M. Ill 
Gregory P.M. VIII 
Clement P.M. Ill 
Celestine P.M. Ill 
Innocent P.M. Ill 
Honorius P.M. Ill 

Sicily. Kings. 
William II 
Tancred 
(Roger II 
William III 



"59 


1181 


1181 


1185 


1185 


1187 


1187 


1187 


1191 


1191 


1198 


1198 


1216 


1216 


1227 


1166 


1189 


1 189 


1194 


1191 


"93) 


1194 


"95 



PRINCES AND PRELATES 



xxi 



Sicily. Kings. 






/Constance 

I Henry, Emperor 


"95 


1198J 
1197/ 


"95 


Frederick II, Emperor 


1 198 


1250 


Venice. Doges. 






Orio Malipiero 


1178 


1192 


Enrico Dandolo 


1192 


1205 


Pietro Ziani 


1205 


1229 


Savoy. Counts. 






Umberto III 


1 149 


1 188 


Tommaso I 


1188 


1233 


MONTFERRAT. Marquesses. 






Conrad 


1 183 


1 192 K. of 
Jerusalem 


Boniface 


1192 


1207 K. ofThes- 
salonika 


William IIII 


1207 


1225 


Spoleto. Dukes. 






Konrad von Urslingen 


1183 


1190 


Pandolfo II 


1190 


"95 


Konrad von Urslingen (rest.) 


"95 


1198 


Papal Domination 


1198 


1222 


Ancona and the Marches. Marquesses. 




Gotibald 


1191 


"95 


Markwald von Anweiler 


"95 


1 198 


(Papal Domination 


1198 


1208) 


Azzo VI d'Este 


1208 2 




Tuscany. 






Heinrich Testa 


1190 


"93 


Konrad von Lutzelhard 


"93 


"95 


Philip of Swabia 


"95 


1 208 


Ferrara. 






Salinguerra I Torelli 


1206 


1208 


Azzo VI d'Este 


1205 


1209 


Salinguerra I Torelli (rest.) 




1209 


Azzo VI d'Este (rest.) 


1209 


1212 


1 He did not get the Brief of 


Grant in 


Rectum Feudum till 


May 1210. 







xxii PRINCES AND PRELATES 



Aldobrandino I d'Este 


1212 


1215 


Azzo VII d'Este 


1215 


1222 


And again 


1240 


1264 


GRANDMASTERS OF 


THE GREAT 


ORDERS. 


The Temple of Solomon. 






Gilbert Horal 


1 196 


1201 


Philippe de Piaissiez 


1201 


1210 


Guillaume de Chartres 


1210 


1219 



The Hospital of St. John. 

Geoffrey Lerat IJ 95 1207 

Guerin de Montaigu 1207 1230 

The Teutonic Order. 

Heinrich Waldbot von Bassenheim 1 1 95 1200 

Otto Von Kerpen 1200 1206 

Herman Bartt 1206 12 10 

Herman von Salza 12 10 1239 

Knights of Christ, or of the Sword. 

Winno von Rohrbach 1202 1209 

Volkwin von Winterstadt 1209 1236 

Santiago. 

Gonzalo Rodriguez 1195 1203 

Gonzalo Ordonez 1203 1204 

Suero Rodriguez 1204 1205 

Sancho Rodriguez 1205 1206 

Pedro-Fernandez de Marafion 1206 12 10 

Pedro Arias 1210 1213 
Pedro Gonzalez 12 13 

Garcia Gonzalez de Candiamo 12 13 1224 

San Julian del Pereiro (Alcantara). 

Gomez Fernandez 1183 1200 

Benito Suarez 1200 1208 

Nufio Fernandez 1208 12 19 

Calatrava. 

Nuna Perez de Quinoiies 1182 11 98 

Martin Martinez 11 98 1206 

Rodrigo Diaz 1206 121 2 

Rodrigo Garcias 1212 1216 



PRINCES AND PRELATES xxiii 





PRELATES. 




Patriarchs of Constantinople. 




Orthodox. 




Latin. 




Georgios II 








Xiphilin 1193 


1199 






Ioannes X 








Kamtera n 99 


1206 






Mikhael IIII 








Autorien 1206 


1215 


Thomas Moro- 








sini 1204 


1211 






sedes vacat 1 2 1 1 


1211 


Theodoros 121 


5 


Gervais 12 15 


1225 


Mamixos II 12 15 


1216 






Manuel I 12 16 


1221 







Latin Patriarchs of Jerusalem. 
Monaco 1194 

Albert II 1203 

Rudolf 12 14 

Lothairo 12 16 



Orthodox Patriarchs of Antioch. 



Theodoros IIII 
Ioachinos I 

Latin Patriarchs of Antioch. 
Peter I of Capua 
Peter II of Capua 

Archbishops of Canterbury. 
Hubert Walter 1193 1205 

Stephen Langton 1207 1228 



Archbishops of Mainz. 



1185 
1199 

1198 
1208 



1203 
1214 
1216 
1224 

1199 
1219 

1208 
1219 



Sub-prior Reginald and 
John de Grey, Bp. of 
Norwich, dispute See. 



Konrad I von Wittelsbach 


1183 


1200 


Leopold von Schonfeld 


1200 


1208 (Ghibelline) 


Siegfried II von Eppstein 


1200 


1208 (Guelf) 


Archbishops of Trier. 






Johann I 


1190 


1212 


Dietrich II von Wied 


1212 


1242 



xxiiii PRINCES AND PRELATES 



Archbishops of Koln. 






Adolf I von Altena 3 


"93 


1205 


Bruno II 1 1 von Sayn 


1205 


1208 


Dietrich I von Heimsberg 


1208 


1212 


(sedes vacat 


1212 


1216) 


St. Engelbert I von Berg 


1216 


1225 



1 Adolf I was deposed by Innocent the Third in 1205. 



INNOCENT THE GREAT 



CHAPTER I 

CONCERNING THE PERIOD OF INNOCENT 
THE THIRD 

Europe— I taly — Capets — Angevins— I berian Peninsula— Spain— The 
Empire — The Pontificate — Hohenstauffen — Balkan Peninsula — 
Slovene States — Hungary — Russia — Lithuania — Bohemia — 
Poland — Knights of Christ — Scandinavia — Unrest — Dynastic 
principle — Principle of nationality — Cause of unrest — The Mili- 
tary orders — The last Crusader — Lothario de' Conti — The 
Papacy's dangers — Pontifical policy — Turbulent Rome — The 
Pope's position 

Europe, at the end of the Twelfth Century, was 
still new to the later Middle Ages. The period 
of Chaos was passed : but the period of coalescent 
atoms was still passing. The era of the dynasties 
had only just dawned in Italy. Amid a crowd 
of competitors, the great houses of the West 
had succeeded in building up nations over which 
they might rule, by whose strength they might 
exist, with whose taxes they might wage war. 
They had just become conscious of power. The 
Capets, helped by their geographical position, 
had definitely found their place in Europe. The 
Angevins were unwilling to become wholly in- 



2 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

sular : because they always had considered their 
royal island as a mere appendage to their conti- 
nental duchies. It is true that the kings of the 
Peninsula as yet were not vitally concerned with 
dynastic problems. Their task was to contrive a 
continuous existence : for the Moors were still at 
Cordova, Lisbon looked across Tagus into Moorish 
territory, and Aragon stopped short near Ebro. 
Until this time, the tendency of Spain had been 
to localize : but the unity (when Spain was all 
Navarre) was certainly reviving, for Leon had 
sunk from the pride of parental independence to 
belong in secundogeniture to the royal house of 
its daughter Castile. The Empire was practi- 
cally accepted at its own valuation ; and the 
Pope had less power in Rome than out of it. 
His temporal pretensions, as always, were fairly 
comprehensive. His actual possessions, however, 
were somewhat meagre. The Hohenstauffen 
were undecided whether they should be wholly 
German or wholly Sicilian — they would have 
been admirable as either ; and, naturally, they 
could not but fail as both. The Byzantines still 
shielded the Balkan Peninsula from Islam — the 
Byzantines whose value never was appreciated 
properly, until treacherous crusaders (ring-led by 
scheming Venice) destroyed the great bulwark 
of Christendom, and miserably failed to erect 
anything in its place. A variety of Slovene 
states lay along the Danube and in the uplands 



PERIOD OF INNOCENT THE THIRD 3 

from Dalmatia, as eager for recognition and 
notoriety as their geographical successors of the 
Twentieth Century. The Magyars had their own 
kingdom, and were by way of being an outpost 
of Christendom eastward : for beyond them, Russia 
(scarcely even Orthodox) was wedged between a 
Lithuania, still hideously heathen to the north- 
west, and sundry Tartar tribes professing a 
limited form of Islam to the south-east. In the 
north, Bohemia had a native dynasty ; and a 
small Poland existed between Germany and the 
Military Mission of the "Knights of Christ" or 
11 of the Sword " in Prussia and Livonia. Scandi- 
navia was suffering from the reaction which 
stifled her energies after the great part played 
by her people in Europe in the previous centuries. 
Sweden's energies revived three hundred years 
later : while our own eyes have seen the awaken- 
ing of Norway. 

The characteristic note of this period was un- 
rest. Christianity was only just beginning to be 
really secure from Saracens, Norse, Vandals, Goths, 
Huns, and other Tartars : although it was to 
incur considerable danger through the foolishness 
of its professors at no distant time. The dynasties, 
having collected and consolidated their adherents, 
were about to begin to weave the webs of self- 
aggrandisement : which kept the peace of the world 
disturbed, until the principle of nationality succeeded 
that of dynastic interest as mischief-maker. 



4 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

The unrest was caused by the somewhat critical 
position in which the affairs of Christendom stood. 
The Crusades had won the East : but the quarrels 
of the princes had lost it again ; and Spain in 
the West was not yet conquered. A variety of 
exotic Christian states still lingered in the Levant 
— a castle here, an island there, and half a pro- 
vince somewhere else : but these were a source 
of weakness rather than of strength. The old 
crusading spirit was gone : the time when men 
esteemed it God-service to fight the Muslim 
Infidel was passing; and the new spirit of com- 
mercialism was growing so rapidly, that in 1204 
it twisted a whole crusade to its own ends. The 
Church's power, of commanding wholesale and 
/ absolute obedience in secular matters, was in 
abeyance. Unless all the great princes would 
take the Cross, no one prince would : for the 
increasing complications of the new dynastic 
policy, which was beginning to be the fashion, 
made it absurd for any sovereign to be absent 
from his realm while his near neighbours stayed 
at home. The great Orders of the Hospital 
and of the Temple, the Teutonic Order, the 
Spanish Orders of Santiago, of Alcantara, of 
Calatrava, the Knights of the Sword or Brethren 
of the Militia of Christ, still to some extent kept 
alive the real crusading spirit on the Baltic : but 
even they were beginning to be rich, and to 
quarrel and fight with Christians, instead of 



PERIOD OF INNOCENT THE THIRD 5 

devoting undivided energy to the extirpation 
of Infidels. Protective and commercial motives 
caused the idea of the Crusades to persist ; but 
the ideal had perished with the last crusader 
(except St. Louis who lived out of his time) 
who fought the Saracen for the good of his soul 
and the saving of the Sepulchre — King Richard 
Lionheart, who (despite what moderns may urge 
against him) was a real and true crusader. 

Such, then, in brief, was the period in which 
Lothario de' Conti di Segni, cardinal-deacon of 
SS. Sergius and Bacchus, arose to be the 
central figure as Supreme Pontiff, Maker and 
Unmaker of emperors, and Warden of Sicily : 
Who, as "Pater Principum ac Regum" interfered 
more with princes and kings of Europe and their 
national and private affairs than any of His pre- 
decessors on Peter's throne : Who transformed 
a Bull of Excommunication from being the last 
whimper of an outraged sect to the rank of the 
most lethal weapon in European politics. 

If the times were critical for Christendom 
because of external pressure and internal dissen- 
sions, they were at least as difficult for the 
Papacy. The Patrimony of Peter, from its geo- 
graphical position, would be endangered by the 
existence of any more powerful state either in 
the north of Italy or in the south. When the 
Emperor's kingdom of Italy wished to expand, its 
first prey was the temporal dominion of the Holy 



6 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

See. When the kingdom of Sicily (called par 
excellence "II Regno" in later Italian history) 
desired new provinces, its only neighbour was 
the Pope. 

While different rulers controlled the two ends 
of the Peninsula, the temporal power of the 
Papacy could only continue to exist by deftly 
playing off one neighbour against the other, or 
by judiciously holding the balance between the 
two. When, however, the Roman Emperor 
happened also to be King of Sicily, the Patri- 
mony indeed was in a parlous plight : for what 
could be more natural than that the Emperor 
should desire to give his diplarchy territorial con- 
tinuity ; and, were he able to do so, what would 
be the fate of the Papacy ? However successful 
may be the modern solution of this problem, it 
is open to question whether the mediaeval Papacy 
could have succeeded without temporal power. A 
Rector Mundi who was only Pontifex Maximus 
and not Princeps as well, would have been likely 
to lapse into the honourable but inconsiderable 
position of a patriarch or an exaggerated bishop. 
There is ample evidence of the truth of this to 
be drawn from the history and status of the 
Holy See during the " Babylonian Captivity." 
The pontifical policy, therefore, was to keep The 
Empire and The Kingdom not only territorially 
apart, but also politically separate and even hostile. 
Again, the Pope's position in the Eternal City 



PERIOD OF INNOCENT THE THIRD 7 

was constantly dangerous, and a perpetual source 
of trouble and disquiet. On the same erroneous 
(but popular) principle, which accords no honour 
to a prophet in his own country, no Pope was 
considered worthy to be obeyed in Rome. The 
turbulence of The City at this time is almost in- 
credible : its entire disregard of authority in any 
form would be remarkable at any period ; and 
the ease and rapidity, with which the fortunes 
of factions changed within its walls, can perhaps 
only be paralleled in the history of Greek colonial 
commonwealths. The normal condition of The 
City seems to have alternated between uproar 
and civil war, producing kaleidoscopic political 
and constitutional changes, and seasons of repent- 
ance and reaction, which served as intervals for 
recuperation and breathing-space preliminary to 
fresh outbursts of violence. Such was the city 
from which Innocent the Third began to rule the 
world. It is true that He managed to ameliorate 
its condition to some extent : but though His policy 
and calculated opportunities made Him an arbi- 
trator, peacemaker, and matchmaker of Europe, 
feudal suzerain of The Empire and The Kingdom, 
of England, and of Aragon — and though He 
(first of Popes) was able to establish a genuine 
Latin patriarchate in Constantinople — even He had 
to be content with a very much smaller measure of 
obedience from Rome than that which He exacted 
from princes and prelates beyond the Seven Hills. 



8 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

From His very position a Pope was much more 
helpless in Rome than He was in Christendom. 
A mere heresy in Languedoc could be suppressed 
by bulls of confiscation, by grants of its lands to 
neighbouring princes. A riot in Rome could not 
be quelled in this way : the Pope could not then 
summon external aid to maintain Him in the 
mastery of His diocesan city. At least He did not. 
Innocent the Third might order King Philip the 
August and his vassals to annihilate Albigenses in 
France : but He could not ask for French troops 
to defend Rome against Italians, as Napoleon the 
Third v :id for Pius the Ninth. And He could 
not, on the other hand, relinquish irritating and 
fruitless struggles at His doors, and rule the 
world from untroubled quietude, as did Leo the 
Thirteenth. 

In reviewing the policy of a Pope of the 
Twelfth Century it is well to remember that He 
dwelt amid alarums and excursions, ready at the 
shortest notice to fly for His life, to crown an 
emperor among the usual scenes of carnage and 
massacre, or to deal with a hostile army of 
foreigners from the impregnable fortress of Sant- 
angelo. That the Lord Innocent was never 
hampered by the existence of an antipope is 
perhaps due, not so much to the forbearance 
or imbecility of His enemies, as to His Own 
personal force of character. Indeed, now that 
the lapse of seven centuries has enabled us to place 



PERIOD OF INNOCENT THE THIRD 9 

Cardinal Lothario in something like his proper 
focus, it would be safe to say that, had he himself 
been elected pseudopaparch in opposition to some 
lawful holder of the Apostolic See, within six 
months the positions would have been reversed, 
and Christendom enthusiastically would have 
acclaimed him as a true successor of Saint 
Peter. 



CHAPTER II 
CONCERNING LOTHARIO DE' CONTI DI SEGNI 

The House of Conti di Segni — Birth of Lothario, 1158 or 1160 — 
Lateran school — Paris University — Pierre de Corbeil — Lothario's 
studies — Canon Law — Preaching — University of Bologna — 
Jurisprudence — Master of Arts — Pilgrimage to Canterbury — 
A human Pope — Digestive period — Youthful literary work — Sub- 
diaconate — 1187, Cardinal-diaconate — Church restoration — 1191 
— "De Contemptu Mundi" — 1193 — 1197 — The Conclave — 1198, 
Supreme Pontificate — Scrutiny — Accession — Portents — Priest- 
hood — Episcopate — Coronation — Enthronement — Innocent 
preaches at His Own Consecration 

In order definitely to establish the genealogy 
of the House of Conti, it would be necessary 
to examine so many theories dealt with in so 
many mss. and printed books, to hunt down 
and expose so many invalid traditions, to strip 
off so many husks of fable from the kernel 
of truth, that a large folio in nonpareil barely 
would suffice for the record of so fascinating (and 
fruitless) an exercise. It will be better at once 
to confess that the questions whether Innocent 
the Third descended from the Lombard Faroald, 
Duke of Spoleto a.d. 575-591, or whether He 
sprang from the House of Tusculum to share dis- 
tinction (or disgrace) with Colonna, are positively 
and unreservedly left open. The accompanying 



ITSE OF CONTI 

[ e Comitibus 



Saxo 

Card. 

cr. 1099 

d. 1 137 



Lando 
Df Montelongo 



Ottone Giovanni 

Lord of Card. S. Maria 

Palombara in Cosmedin 

Chancellor of the Church 



Jacopo 

C. of Andri 

Justiciar of Apulia 

Marshall of the Church 



Andrea 



Pietro Tommaso 

d. 1212 C. of Celano 1207 

dep. 1223 by 

the Emperor Frederick II 

in favour of his bastard 

Frederick of Antioch 



Innocentius, P.P. Ill 

1198-1216 

[Lothario Card. Deacon of ~| 
S.S. Sergius and Bacchus J 



Stefano 

Card. Deac. S. Adriano 

in Foro 



Filippo 
C. of Anagni 



Alexander, P.P. IIII 

1254-1261 
rRinaldo Card. Bp. of] 
|_ Ostia and Velletri J 



Ottaviano 

Card. Deacon 

S.S. Sergio 

and Baccho 



Gregorlus, P.P. Villi 

1227-1241 

[Ugolino Card. Bp. of"] 
Ostia and Velletri J 



Table A— HOUSE OF CONTI 

Lothario & Comitibus 



Giovanni de' Scotti = Maria 



Crescentio 
Lord of Ferentino 



Trasimondo 

Lord of Ferentino 

b. rogo 



Saxo 

Card. 

cr, 1099 
d. 1 137 



Clemens, P.P. Ill 

1187-1191 

[Paolo detto Scolaro "I 
Card. Bp. of Praeneste] 



Gregorio Poli 



Trasimondo 

C. of Segni 

b. 1 120 



Trasimondo, who was 
betrothed to Elena, daur 
of Barisone I of Gallura 



latto Lando 


Ottone 


Giovanni 


Jacopo 


Lord of Montelongo 


Lord of 


Card. S. Maria 


C. of Andri 




Palombara 


in Cosmedin 


■Justiciar of Apulia 






Chancellor of the Church 


Marshall of the Church 



Pietro de' Anibaldi = Daur 



Ricardo 
C. of Sora 



Ottaviano Poli 

Card. Bp. Ostia and Velletri 

Vicarius in Urbe 



Tommaso 

C. of Celano 1207 

dep. 1223 by 

the Emperor Frederick II 

in favour of his bastard 

Frederick of Antioch 



Innocentlus, P.P. Ill 



r Lotr 

Ls.s. 



Sergius and Bacchus J 



Giovanni, C. of Alba 

Lord of Ponte Mammolo 

Monte Fortino and Turrim 

Urbis 

Heir of the fiefs of the 

House of Poli 



Paolo 

Proconsul 

Lord of Valmontone 

Sacco and Fluminaria 



Stefan o 

Card. Deac. S. Adriano 

in Foro 



Filippo 
C. of Anagni 



Alexander, P.P. IIII 



TRinaldo Card. Bp. of"! 
L Ostia and Velletri J 



Ottaviano 

Card. Deacon 

S.S. Sergio 

and Baccho 



Gregorlua, P.P. Villi 

1 227- 1 241 

[Ugolino Card. Bp. of"] 
Ostia and Velletri J 



Giovanni would seem to have married the niece of Cardinal Ottaviano de' Poli who is called 
'Pape affinis." Ricardo lost Sora in 1221. 

Filippo, Count of Anagni, is referred to as " Comes Anagninos patruelis fratris Pape filius." 
Gianalfo and Jacopo are called " consobrino nostro " in various letters. 



LOTHARIO DE' CONTI DI SEGNI n 

pedigree of Cardinal Lothario's more immediate 
kin perhaps will suffice for the present purpose. 

Trasimondo, Lord of Ferentino, was probably 
a nephew of that Cardinal " Saxo de Comitibus " 
who died in 1137. Their respective dates render 
this hypothesis plausible, and it should be noted 
that (according to Ciacconius) they both bore 
the chequy eagle of Conti. Trasimondo was the 
father of six sons. The eldest (also Trasimondo, 
Count of Segni) married Claricia, sister of Car- 
dinal Paolo, of the senatorial House of Scotti, 
who afterwards became Pope Clement the Third. 
From this marriage sprang four children, of whom 
Lothario (born 1158 or 1160) was the youngest. 
We know little or nothing of his early years : 
but it is not unfair to assume that, like other 
young Romans of his quality, he received the 
rudiments of his education at the school of Saint 
John Lateran. The influence of the cardinals of 
his family, his uncles Paolo de' Scotti, Giovanni 
de' Conti, and Ottaviano de' Poli, 4 procured him 
a few benefices in Rome and Anagni : which, as 
Ciacconius says, no doubt assisted the boy in his 
education. He seems to have preserved agree- 
able memories of one of his tutors at Lateran, 
Pietro Hismael, whom he preconised Bishop of 
Sutri on his own accession to the pontificate. 

* Palatius calls him " Pape affinis." He does not bear the arms 
of Conti ; and he may have been the brother of the wife of Andrea 
de' Conti. 



12 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Paris was his university — at that time the 
premier seat of learning in Christendom, only 
Bologna venturing to dispute its otherwise un- 
questioned primacy, and then in canon law alone. 
The University of Paris was, in the full in- 
tention of the word, a university. It was inter- 
national, supernational, and even (in virtue of 
its wide privileges) largely extranational. That 
it was not to be esteemed French, or even a 
part of France, is shown by the oft-recurring 
fact that popes, princes, and private persons 
were content to use it for a court of arbitra- 
tion — a custom which lasted long after its un- 
challenged supremacy in the republic of letters 
had passed to Oxford. 5 The University of Paris, 
in fact, was regarded as a court of final appeal 
in all matters theological, moral, and political. 
Thus we find King Henry Fitzempress offering 
to submit the question of his differences with 
Archbishop Thomas (Beket) to the decision of the 
University of Paris as being above nationality 
or party. Even the Roman Curia acknowledged 
that, in Paris, were gathered the principal theo- 
logians of the Church — and, what Rome was 
pleased to acknowledge in the Twelfth Century, 
Avignon and the Popes of the Great Schism 
were glad to rely upon in the Fourteenth. Paris, 
therefore, was a most suitable scene for the 

5 Which Giordano Bruno was pleased to call " La vedova de 
buone lettere." 



LOTHARIO DE' GONTI DI SEGNI 13 

training of a young man destined for a career 
in a Church Whose boast is that She knows 
no nationality (excepting, of course, in the case 
of candidates for the pontifical throne). Prelates 
of rank were pleased to be professors of Paris 
as well. Bishop Gilbert de la Poiree became a 
lecturer there : so also did Pierre Comestor, the 
Eater of Books, Chancellor of the cathedral of 
Paris. Mathieu of Angers and Melchior of Pisa 
were raised to the purple : Gerard de la Pucelle 
and Anselme became respectively Bishops of 
Coventry and Meaux, without separating them- 
selves from the University. 

It was to Pierre de Corbeil that Lothario de' 
Conti owed his subsequently high reputation as a 
canonist, but as a canonist of broad mind and 
luminous ideas. Nor was Innocent the Third 
tardy in acknowledging the obligations thus in- 
curred. His old instructor was made prebendary 
of York, then Bishop of Cambray, and soon after- 
wards was promoted, almost against his will, to 
the archiepiscopal see of Sens. Insomuch did 
the old man protest against advancement, that 
when (having neglected pontifical orders to proceed 
against a noble who made light of his new dignity) 
the Pope charged him with ingratitude, cynically 
remarking to his former tutor, " Ego te episco- 
pavi," Pierre de Corbeil, like a true successor of 
Diogenes, quashed further discussion by replying, 
" Et ego Te papavi." Nor did Innocent forget 



i 4 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

His fellow-students : to some (whose merit de- 
served it) He gave a seat in the Sacred College 
— as to Robert Curson : to others, sees : to others, 
mitred abbacies. 

Lothario's studies were almost entirely patristic 
and rhetorical. Besides canon law and the Fathers, 
he was taught the art of composing and delivering 
sermons — discourses which are notable, not only 
for the comparative excellence of their Latinity, 
but for their erudition and high moral teaching. 
Some facility in prose composition was also 
acquired : but it was more as a writer of sermons 
for vocal delivery than as the author of treatises 
that Lothario shines as a stylist. His writings 
are too cramped with detail, too elaborated with 
texts, too tinged by a melancholy temperament : 
but his sermons, even to read, are stirring — how 
much more so when declaimed from the pulpit 
by a Pope! From Paris, in pursuit of further 
learning, Lothario proceeded to the University of 
Bologna, at that time very celebrated for its school 
of jurisprudence ; and when, at length, he returned 
to Rome, he brought with him the degree of 
Master of Arts, and a very distinguished reputa- 
tion for scholarship and force of character. 

In addition to his studies in the history of the 
Church which he was to rule, Lothario had had 
the unique advantage of living quite close (both 
in time and place) to one of the most famous 
chapters of that history. Only a few years before 



LOTHARIO DE' CONTI DI SEGNI 15 

he went to Paris, there had been unrolled before 
an astounded (and afterward terror - stricken) 
Europe, the whole of the Beket controversy, 
with its rapid swordplay of spiritualities against 
temporalities, the bitter grinding of two iron wills, 
and the final tragedy of sacrilege and martyrdom, 
which won far more for the Church than could 
have been obtained by twenty vigorous years of 
archiepiscopate. While still an undergraduate at 
Paris, Lothario had made a pilgrimage to the 
new shrine of the new Saint Thomas in Canter- 
bury Cathedral. So much the historian may 
record. What he cannot write down among his 
historical facts are the impressions, quite indubi- 
tably formative, perdurable, and even directive, 
which this really momentous pilgrimage must have 
had upon the plastic mind of the future Pope. 

One of the things which make Innocent the 
Third an interesting figure, not only to the his- 
torian, but also to the thoughtful student of his 
kind, is His humanity. He is not, as many Popes 
of the Middle Ages are, a mere clarion call, a 
mere piece of pageant, or a merely misty school- 
man. There are many gaps in His history which 
we cannot fill : but at least we have evidence to 
show that He was a man of like passions with our- 
selves ; and therefore near, and understandable — 
liked perhaps, loathed perhaps, but understandable. 

He returned to Rome after the usual course 
of years engaged in accumulating facts ; and im- 



16 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

mediately, like many another graduate, suffered 
much during the inevitable digestive period of 
mental growth. He became a prey to a form of 
melancholy exaltation — a state of ferment caused 
by reviewing the world, the flesh, and the devil 
from his newly-attained theoretic standpoint. 
While he was in this condition, he (in common 
with many young religious writers, who have 
undergone a long imprisonment alone with ideas) 
indulged in gruesome excesses of descriptive 
writing, which (by their grisly intensity and the 
unnecessary minuteness of their detail) clearly 
show that (having knowledge in profusion) he 
lacked experience. It was extremely natural that 
a young man, fermenting with the unassimilated 
learning of Paris and Bologna, should try to per- 
suade, first himself by meditation, and afterwards 
others by verbose tractates, that true salvation 
and the way to it were to be found in morbid 
contemplation of death and the processes of the 
phenomenon of putrescence. It was certainly as 
well for himself as for the subsequent history of the 
paparchy, that Gregory the Eighth saw fit to sepa- 
rate him definitely from the world, by calling him 
to the subdiaconate and active work of the Church : 
for, by this means, a term was placed upon the 
extraspective broodings which one sees reflected 
in the pages of De Contemptu Muttdi — broodings 
which might so easily have become introspective, 
and have led him inevitably to a hermit's cell : 



LOTHARIO DE' CONTI DI SEGNI 17 

whereby the Church might have been richer in 
possessing an obscure misanthropic and socially 
unpleasing saint, but the apostolic throne would 
certainly have lacked one of its brightest orna- 
ments, and Christendom the whole-hearted service 
of a mighty intellect. 

Shortly after the accession of his maternal uncle 
as Pope, under the name of Clement the Third, 
in 1 187, Lothario was raised to the cardinal- 
diaconate and attached to the urban church of 
SS. Sergius and Bacchus. Of his service in 
his cardinalature, as well as in a canonry of 
Saint Peter's-by-the- Vatican which seems to have 
been conferred upon him, there are not many 
records — a few signatures as witness, a few 
letters to canons : but we are told that his curial 
activities were considerable. In his capacity of 
what two centuries later would have been called 
" Cardinal-Nephew," one of his first works was to 
restore the battered fabric of his titular church. 
" He restored, at his own expense, the aforesaid 
church, which was so shapeless and ruinous that 
it resembled rather a crypt than a basilica." 6 
Clement the Third died in 1191, and was succeeded 
by Cardinal Bubo Orsini, who imposed upon him- 
self the name of Celestine the Third. During this 
reign Lothario's energies were no longer employed 

6 Gesta, c. 3. " Prefatam ecclesiam que nimis erat deformis et 
ruinosa ut magis crypta quam basilica videretur suis sumptibus 
restauravit." 

B 



18 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

at the Lateran : he and his family being eclipsed by 
the relatives and adherents of the new Pope ; and 
thus he was enabled to enjoy considerable leisure, 
which he employed variously, partly at Segni, 
partly at Anagni, finishing De Contemptu Mundi. 
That he was not definitely banished from Rome, 
is shown by the fact that he witnessed two Bulls 
of the Lord Celestine — In eminenti Apostolice sedts, 
xxix Sept. 1 193, and Religiosam vitani, iiii Nov. 
1 197, both given in the Bullarium Magnum ; and 
he certainly was able to keep sufficiently in the 
public eye to be accounted a " papabile " for the 
next conclave — " As he grew in age, so also did 
he in probity before God and all the people, and 
all expected and hoped for his elevation." 7 Nor 
was Rome disappointed of its hoped-for sensation. 
At the conclave of twenty-eight cardinals, 8 which 
was immured at the monastery of Septa Solis 
Clivisauri, the Sacred College set aside the strange 
recommendation of the dying Orsini Pontiff, of 
Giovanni de' Colonna ; and elected its twenty-sixth 
member to the see of Saint Peter. 

This election was most dramatic. It was re- 
garded as distinctly sanctispiritual in inspiration, 
and quite unworldly, even unconclavial, in its 
total freedom from party bitterness and the usual 
meannesses of interest and influence, tricks of 

7 Gesta, c. 3. "Proficiebat autem sicut aetate sic etiam probitate 
coram Deo et omni populo ita ut omnes de ipsius sublimatione pre- 
sumerent et sperarent." 

8 Cf. Appendix I. 



LOTHARIO DE' CONTI DI SEGNI 19 

canvassing, and long-drawn scrutinies. It seems 
that two other cardinals — Giordano da Ceccano, 
presbyter of the Title of S. Pudentiana — of 
whom Palatius (quoted by Hiirter) says, Pren- 
savit pontificatum sed frustra, — and Giovanni da 
Salerno, presbyter of the Title of S. Stephanus in 
Monte Caelio — who (says Raynaldus 9 ) obtained 
ten votes — joined Giovanni de' Colonna, pres- 
byter of the Title of S. Prisca, in acceding with 
their suffrages to the young Cardinal-deacon of 
SS. Sergius and Bacchus. 

A dove is said to have settled upon the coach 
of Cardinal Mastai-Ferretti while driving from 
Imola in 1846 to take the name of Pius the Ninth 
in Rome ; and an equally felicitous tradition asserts 
that three of these birds hovered above Lothario 
de' Conti during the conclave, and that the 
whitest of them descended upon his head at the 
moment of His election, viii Jan. 1198. Being 
only in deacon's orders, He was ordained priest 
on xxii Feb., and consecrated bishop by the 
Cardinal-bishops of Albano, Porto, and Ostia on 
the following day, when He also received the 
pontifical crown, and took possession of His 
cathedral church of Lateran. It is quite worth 
noting, as a token of the extraordinary vigour 
of mind, no less than of the delightful unconven- 
tionality of the Lord Innocent's character, that, 
between the date of His election and His ordina- 

9 Ann. 1201 ; No. 25. 



20 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

tion, He composed and elaborated sermons ex- 
plaining His Own conceptions of His dignity — 
sermons which He actually preached at His Own 
ordination and consecration. The last, In con- 
secratione Romani pontiftcis, contains so much 
matter of surprizing excellence, that one ventures 
to subjoin a translation in an appendix. 10 

10 Cf. Appendix III I. 



CHAPTER III 

CONCERNING INNOCENT THE THIRD AND 
THE EMPIRE 

1 198, Papacy and Empire — Papacy and Empire — Empire and 
Papacy — Peter versus Caesar — Papal claim to Sicily — Claims of 
Henry VI — Church for Italy against Germany — The Supreme 
Arbitrator — Three would-be emperors — King Frederick of Sicily 
— Philip, Duke of Swabia — Otto of Brunswick, Earl of York — 
Hohenstauffen Party (Ghibelline) — Brunswick Party (Guelf) — 
Guelf desertions — Philip's irregular Coronation — Innocent for 
Otto, but inclined to be neutral — Case of the Archbishop of 
Salerno — Pontifical terms — An idiotic bishop — France against 
Otto — England for Otto — Philip's case — viii Nov. 1202 — Otto's 
desperate case — 1199 — Innocent champions him — Bull of 1201 — 
Philip's first excommunication — And his second — Denunciation 
of Philip — Rejection of Frederick — Selection of Otto — Innocent's 
literary support of Otto — Otto's losing game — General venality — 
Otto handicapped by poverty and incapacity — John Lackland's 
default — Philip's affluence and capacity — Bohemian duplicity — 
Philip's Ghibellines act — Overtures to Guelf archbishop — Adolf s 
price — 1204 — Otto's loss — Philip buys Guelf duke — Pope and 
archbishop — Philip calls "check" — 1205 — Otto plays up — Philip 
calls "check mate" — Otto's ineptitude — 1207 — Innocent's prob- 
lem — Pontifical terms to Philip — Philip's discreet capitulation — 
Otto recalcitrant— Innocent determined upon a settlement — June 
1208, Assassination of Philip — Innocent reverts to Otto — Nov. 

1208, Germany accepts Otto — Affirmation of elective principle a 
gain to the Papacy — Philip the August warns Innocent — Oct. 

1209, Coronation of Otto — 1210 — A beggar on horseback — x May 

1210, Otto against Innocent — Nov. 1210, Innocent remonstrates 
— Mar. 121 1, End of Innocent's patience — Otto excommunicated 
and deposed — Innocent decrees a new election — Elect-Emperor 
Frederick — 1212 — Elect-Emperor goes to Germany — 1213, Diet 
of the Empire at Konstanz — Otto's final stand — Alliance with 
John Softsword against French — July 1214, Bouvines— May 1215, 
King Frederick crowned at Aachen — Summary 

When Innocent the Third began to reign in 1198, 
the status of the Papacy, its temporal power and 



22 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

spiritual prestige, depended in no small degree 
on the personality of the new Pope. There 
were possibilities on all sides capable of leading 
to widely different results. On the one hand, 
the Papacy might soar above the Empire and 
be a spiritual sun in the Armament of the world 
— it might become a power superior to the 
Empire, in that the successor of Peter might 
dispose of the imperial and all other Christian 
crowns. On the other hand, the Papacy might 
sink beneath the Empire — Peter might pass 
under the control of Caesar, occupying a mere 
patriarchate with a spiritual importance little 
greater than that of Mainz or Coin, and be- 
come a see filled by German prelates nominated 
by the German king, simply in order that he 
might have some one to give him the two 
crowns of the Roman Empire and to be vice- 
roy of a German garrison in conquered Italy. 
There was a third course, an indefinite one — 
a course in which Papacy and Empire would 
fight hard for niggling successes, each claim- 
ing to be the other's superior, each secretly 
afraid that it was the other's inferior, neither 
being quite convinced about its own status, and 
both behaving as though a policy of oppor- 
tunism was its settled, method and part of a 
long and carefully considered scheme. 

As well as possibilities there were certain solid 
facts. The Papacy claimed the kingdom of 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 23 

Sicily (more modernly known as the Kingdom 
of the Two Sicilies) as a feudal fief in virtue 
of its acknowledged relations with the Norman 
kings. Henry the Sixth, the late emperor, had 
held Sicily iure uxoris ; and had considered the 
Matildan lands (Tuscany, Parma, Mantua, Modena), 
as well as the Marches, Pentapolis, and all 
Lombardy, as part of the Empire. Also he had 
contended that a Roman emperor could be no 
man's vassal, not even Saint Peter's. And all of 
this the Popes disputed. Innocent the Third, by 
claiming a great deal, might very reasonably expect 
to realize some part thereof; and historians may 
just as well frankly recognize once for all the 
fact that the Church stood for Italy against 
the Germans, and not simply as Peter against 
Caesar. The Pope indeed said quite frequently 
that He stood for Italy, and harped on the fact 
that Germans were outlanders and barbarous of 
habit, being moreover afflicted with a language 
uncouth to polite ears. 11 Had such an idea as 
that of "Italia Unica e Libera" existed at the 
beginning of the thirteenth century, the Church 
might aptly have been called the patriotic party, 

11 Pope Innocent III. was perhaps the first who officially made 
fun of i Tedeschi and started the flow of sarcasm with which 
the Italians were so fond of assailing Germans in subsequent 
centuries, a sarcasm which culminated in the famous decision of 
the Florentine Signory, not to pay for a certain cartoon in the 
municipal palace because the artist had introduced into the com- 
position thereof " representations of monsters, dwarves, Germans, 
and similar indecencies." 



24 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

and Innocent the Third the national hero. But un- 
fortunately none of the actors of our period knew 
the names of the characters they personated. 

From the very first, fortune favoured the Pope. 
At His accession He at once found Himself 
supreme arbitrator of Christendom. Three kings 
of Germany happened to have realized that no one 
but the Pope could make an emperor ; and they, 
consequently, were competitors for His support 
and favour. Of these three, the Lord Innocent 
already was warden of the youngest and (accord- 
ing to modern reckoning) the legitimate claimant. 
But, apart from this temporary relation (which, 
while it lasted, might have been twisted to the 
advantage of the Apostolic See), the position of 
Frederick of Hohenstauffen, as King of Sicily 12 
iure matris, would have been dangerous to the 
temporal independence of the Papacy, were he to 
be also Emperor. The next pretender, Duke 
Philip of Swabia, 13 uncle and next heir (as far 
as the Hohenstauffen lands were concerned) to 
Frederick, was a candidate for the Empire, chiefly 
in order to keep the crown in the family : for he 
knew that, however legitimate and duly-elected 
King Frederick might be, he would (as a minor) 
have no chance of retaining in permanence either 

11 Innocent had reconfirmed the Kingdom to Constance and her 
heirs in a Breve of Nov. 1198. 

13 Duke Philip had been invested by his imperial brother with 
the Duchy of Tuscany, which was claimed by the Holy See as 
part of the Matildan donation. 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 25 

title or demesnes. Therefore Duke Philip (while 
he personally perfectly respected his nephew and 
the latter's claims and position) looked upon himself 
just as the Uncle-Regent. That he aspired to the 
imperial title is, in itself, no proof of treachery 
against his nephew : for the custom of having more 
than one emperor was by no means uncommon in 
the Eastern Empire, when reasons (for such a 
condition of affairs) existed similar to those which 
had newly arisen in the Western. Duke Philip's 
basic policy simply amounted to a determina- 
tion to keep the imperial dignity in the House 
of Hohenstauffen. The real heir, being an 
infant barely out of arms, could not possibly 
take the necessary steps to do this : therefore 
he, Duke Philip, had himself elected, to prevent 
the crown from falling into alien hands ; and the 
South Germans were his chief adherents. The 
third (and foreign) pretender, Otto of Bruns- 
wick, 14 Count of Poitou, Earl of York, 15 was a 

14 Otto, as son of Henry the Lion (Duke of Saxony and Bavaria, 
who was spoiled of his duchies by Barbarossa), had the right (accord- 
ing to the German fashion) to style himself Duke of Saxony. In 
virtue of his lordship of Brunswick, which he inherited from his 
father (this, being allodial land, was not escheated with the duchies), 
he is called Otto of Brunswick. The Duchy of Brunswick did not 
come into existence as such until viiii Aug. 1235, when it was created 
in favour of his nephew, Otto the Boy. 

15 Richard I is said to have created his nephew Otto Earl of 
York in 1190: in 1196 he was created also Count of Poitou, a 
creation which Hoveden says was by way of exchange for his 
Earldom of York. In 1200 he sent ambassadors to John to claim 
both York and Poitou, but was unsuccessful. G. E. C. Complete 
Peerage^ vol. viii, p. 212, note. 



26 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

nephew of King Richard Lionheart, who had 
raised him to high dignities, both in his conti- 
nental and insular dominions. He had been 
brought up rather as an Angevin than a German ; 
and had only some slight support from the 
princes of the North-west. 

The principal members of the HohenstaufTen 
party, the Ghibellines, were Archbishops Ludolf 
of Magdeburg and Hartwich of Bremen, who 
respectively wanted the lordships of Sonnenburg 
and Stade : Archbishop Adelbert of Salzburg, 
Bishops Diethelm of Konstanz and Wolfgard of 
Passau, who were family friends : Bishops Gerard 
of Osnabruck and Thiemo of Bamberg, apparently 
from self-interest : Bishop Konrad of Hildesheim, 
Chancellor of the Empire : and the Bishops of 
Brixen and Eichstadt. Beside these, the Dukes 
of Carinthia, Bernard II of Saxony, Ludwig I 
of Bavaria, and the whole posse of Saxon, 
Franconian, and Swabian counts, also followed 
Duke Philip. Many of these princes held fiefs 
which had been confiscated by the Emperor 
Frederick Barbarossa from the House of Bruns- 
wick : it was therefore opposed to their interest 
that Duke Otto should be elected, or indeed any 
one who was not a Hohenstauffen. 

The principal members of the Brunswick party, 
the Guelfs, were Archbishop Adolf of Coin, Arch- 
bishop Johan I of Trier, Bishop Hermann of 
Munster, Bishop Heinrich of Strassburg, the 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 27 

Bishops of Paderborn, Minden, Cambray and 
Utrecht, the Abbots of Verden and Corvey. To 
these must be added Dukes Henry of Brabant 
and Walram of Limburg, Counts Baldwin of 
Flanders, Wilhelm of Jiilich, Volkwin of Waldeck, 
the Landgrave Hermann of Thuringia, and Henry 
Count Palatine of the Rhine. All the princes 
and bishops of the Netherlands hung together : 
but it must not be assumed, from the similarity 
of titles, that a Duke of Brabant or Limburg 
was the equal in any sense of the Duke of 
Bavaria or of Saxony. Further, the archbishopric 
of Mainz was vacant, the Jupan of Bohemia was 
busy with civil war at home, and the Duke of 
Austria was about to die : so none of these voted 
for Otto. But (apart from the comparative in- 
significance of the Guelf party) an analysis of the 
subsequent proceedings of the personages named 
in the foregoing category will show that the 
Ottonian faction was not rendered invincible (as 
insignificant factions have been known to be) by 
the consolidating bond of loyalty. The Arch- 
bishop of Coin, the Bishop of Mtinster, the Abbots 
of Verden and Corvey, the Duke of Brabant, 
and the Count of Jiilich ratted to the Ghibellines 
for no honourable reasons. Even Henry Count 
Palatine deserted his brother Otto (who refused 
him the seneschality of Lichtenberg) to accept 
that of Goslar from Philip. The Landgrave of 
Thuringia left the Brunswicker, on account of a 



28 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

family quarrel. Count Baldwin of Flanders, who 
in the first place had only been a Guelf because 
he was afraid of King Philip of France, went 
away to become Emperor of Romania. Lastly, 
the Archbishop of Trier (who had been vastly 
bribed by Duke Otto) actually went over to the 
Ghibellines and crowned Duke Philip. This left 
Otto only the support of the Duke of Limburg 
and the Count of Waldeck with the Netherlands 
bishops and the Bishop of Strassburg. The 
allegiance of the last, perhaps, was the most 
worth having : it was due to the strong motive 
of revenge, his brother having been murdered 
by Duke Philip's predecessor. Apart from these 
allies Otto could only hope for help from France, 
or from the Papacy. 

As it was to the interest of the Papacy to 
have a weak Emperor, it is only natural to sup- 
pose that the Lord Innocent from the very first 
had a predisposition toward the Guelf candidate. 
Duke Otto of Brunswick was bound to appear 
to the Holy See as a man whose election would 
damage the prospects of the hereditary principle 
in the Empire, the confirmation of which principle 
would have gone as far to solidify the imperial 
power as it would to abolish opportunities for Papal 
intervention in Imperial affairs. 

Still such was not actually the case. 

At first the Pope announced that He was going 
to be neutral in the matter of the disputed 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 29 

German kingship. He even appears to have in- 
clined toward the Swabian Philip, as being more 
likely to be able to assist the Church, if won 
over to Her side, than the Saxon Otto in whose 
favour it would be more natural for the pontifical 
policy to have moved. It is indeed an instance 
of the Lord Innocent's readiness to do violence 
to His Own feelings and throw precedent and 
inherited policy to the winds, if by so doing He 
might build one more step to the Siege of Peter 
whereon it might tower the higher over the 
minds of men. 

The Emperor Henry, among other things for 
which he was hated (and quite possibly poisoned) 
by his southern subjects, had carried off the 
Archbishop of Salerno, and imprisoned him be- 
yond the Alps. The Pope was of opinion that 
it would redound to the credit of the Papacy in 
the eyes of the Italians were this prelate to be 
released at His instigation : and it was His object 
to arouse some feeling of the entity of Italy 
among her inhabitants. Therefore, after giving 
time for the neutrality proclamation to have effect 
upon Duke Philip, the Pope sent the Bishop of 
Sutri to suggest that, if his brother of Salerno 
were to be released, the Celestinian excommunica- 
tion (under which the Swabian still languished) 
would certainly be removed, while it was quite 
possible that further favours would follow. 

No one knows to what desirable end this train 



3 o INNOCENT THE GREAT 

of policy might have led, had not the pig- 
headed German who filled the see of Sutri taken 
the bit between his teeth, granted unconditional 
relief from the ban (refraining from mentioning 
the hard case of the unhappy archbishop), and 
hurried to grace Philip's coronation in his official 
capacity : so inducing the Hohenstauffen adherents 
to think that Rome was with them — all this 
because he was a party man. We have here an 
admirable example of the way in which the Lord 
Innocent was only too often served. 

Self-interest or policy, which, on the one hand, 
won for Duke Otto the friendship of the Roman 
Pontiff, on the other hand lost him that of the 
King of France. The nephew and friend of the 
Angevin and English Plantagenets (represented 
by King Richard Lionheart, the dear friend of 
Innocent the Third) could not at the same time 
be the friend of the French Capets. Indeed the 
French King wrote complaining of the elevation 
of Otto, upbraiding the Pope in a most unfilial 
manner for supporting him. Old ideals were 
passing away, notably that of the position of the 
Empire : which, in its highest conception, was 
almost a kind of lay Papacy, fitted into the struc- 
ture of the body politic of Christendom, with the 
Roman Pontificate balancing it as a sort of spiritual 
Empire. The Emperor ought not to belong to a 
Country, still less to a Family, but to Christendom. 16 

18 Hurter. 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 31 

How could this ideal be realized when two party 
nominees disputed for the Empire with civil war 
and foreign alliances? How could the Emperor 
personify Europe in arms against the Infidel in a 
new Crusade, as the temporal lord of Christendom, 
wielding the civil sword at the bidding of his 
spiritual co-equal, the Pope, if the personality of 
the Emperor differed geographically, being Otto 
of Brunswick here, or Philip of Swabia there, or 
little Frederick of Sicily elsewhere ? 

King Richard Plantagenet, who (if one may 
judge him from their correspondence) was on 
most amicable terms with the Pope, supported 
his nephew Duke Otto in an appeal for recogni- 
tion by Rome. This was not only diplomatic, 
but according to precedent. 

Duke Philip, whom the Pope would willingly 
have supported had his conditions been complied 
with, also appealed to Rome : but his course was 
beset by difficulties from the very beginning. 
First, there was the difficulty of his excommuni- 
cation by Celestine the Third. That, he fondly 
imagined, was removed by Pope Innocent's absolu- 
tion, sent through the Bishop of Sutri, who by his 
strange bungle in according absolution without 
insisting upon the Pope's conditions, may safely 
be said to have lost the Lord Innocent His grip 
over Philip, and so diverted the whole course of 
the pontifical policy with regard to the disputed 
election. It is true that the said absolution was 



32 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

accorded with an alacrity, which, to a cautious 
prince, might have seemed suspicious : but Duke 
Philip was too much in a hurry to verify suspi- 
cions. Indeed they do not seem to have occurred 
at all. He probably judged the Pope from a 
purely secular standpoint ; and, that a Conti 
should be prompt in reversing a decree of an 
Orsini (Orsini being Conti's hereditary enemy), 
no doubt appeared quite natural to the Swabian 
pretender. Again, when Philip had actually been 
elected, he had another difficulty in getting 
crowned. Aachen, the traditional place of corona- 
tion for a German King, was out of the question : 
but eventually the ceremony was performed at 
Mainz by Archbishop Johan of Trier and the 
Bishop of Tarentaise. But, only a little later, 
the Lord Innocent wrote to the former austerely 
threatening him with suspension, unless he should 
at once betake himself to Rome, to apologise 
humbly for his assumption of the office of a 
coronator. The archbishop obeyed, and the Pope 
pardoned him in a breve, dated viii Nov. 1202; 
but conditionally upon his according his support 
to Duke Otto : failing this, he would be excom- 
municated campanellis et candelis. No doubt this 
was very disconcerting for Philip : but still he 
was strong in his family's influence, the priority 
of his election, the quantity not less than the 
quality of his supporters ; and consequently, he 
was by no means as eager to humble himself 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 33 

before the Pope (of whom he entertained a not 
ill-founded Hohenstauffen distrust) as was his more 
despairing adversary. 

Otto's case might be justly described as quite 
desperate. His uncle, Richard Plantagenet, un- 
fortunately died in 1199; and, in spite of a 
will in his favour, Otto found himself deprived 
of extremely vital support. For King John 
Softsword, while sending promises of assistance, 
kept the legacy for himself; and many princes 
of the Empire swung over to Philip. But King 
Richard evidently had been a man after the 
Pope's Own heart : for, when Otto's prospects 
were blackest, the Lord Innocent came definitely 
and actively to the assistance of His dead friend's 
nephew. First, the Swabian embassy was coldly 
received in Rome, and obliged to listen to a 
Bull (read to them at a consistory in the 
Lateran) in which the pontifical position towards 
the Empire was summed up in the following 
mordant epigram, — " He who is anointed is less 
than He who anoints, and He who anoints is 
more worshipful than he who is anointed." 17 This 
was at the end of May. A month later, the 
Pope addressed a general epistle to the princes 
and prelates of Germany, concerning the Swabian 
pretender; and, early in Jan. 1201, He pub- 
lished the famous Deliberatio which is contained 

17 " Minor est qui ungitur quam Qui ungit, et dignior est Unguens 
quam unctus." 

C 



34 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

in the Bull Interest Apostolice Sedis. In this 
document, the Lord Innocent, affecting a judi- 
cial manner, and expounding the case under 
the heads of quid liceat, quid deceat, and quid 
expediat, reviewed the claims of the three candi- 
dates ; and, though in a modern Jesuit His judg- 
ment would be called a masterpiece of casuistry 
(in the invidious and unwarrantable second in- 
tention of the term), He had the courage to 
follow His premises to their logical and inevitable 
conclusion. The election of the baby Frederick 
of Sicily as King, although unanimous, was 
illegal : because at the time he had not been 
baptized. The election of Philip of Swabia was 
simply null and void (because he had been ex- 
communicated), as was also the absolution on 
which he so fondly flattered himself, which (owing 
to the stupid blunder of the Bishop of Sutri) 
had been represented as unconditional instead of 
conditional as the Pope had intended. But be- 
side this the Swabian was damned on a second 
count as well. There was another Bull— (it is 
quoted in a letter to the archbishops of the 
Kingdom dated x Aug. 1199 18 ) — excommunicat- 
ing Markwald von Anweiler and all Germans in 
arms against Frederick as King of Sicily. It 
could not be denied that Philip was a German ; 



18 Cf. note 58, p. 89. " Excommunicamus et Anathematizamus 
. . . Marcovaldum et omnes fautores eius tarn Teutonicos quam 
Latinos . . . et Damnamus." 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 35 

and, as he apparently was claiming the Empire 
against Frederick, (to whom he had sworn allegi- 
ance) he was, by virtue of this Bull, excommuni- 
cate as being a rebel against his nephew. That 
Philip's oath to Frederick was null and void, as 
being made to an unbaptized person, did not 
mitigate Philip's liability, because Frederick's dis- 
ability had not been denned when the oath was 
taken. Philip had sworn in good faith, and was 
therefore bound by his oath until formally dis- 
pensed after the definition of aforesaid disability. 
Therefore the Duke of Swabia as a perjurer, 
was denounced as being wholly unfit for the 
highest secular office in Christendom. Further- 
more, Philip's claims being thus rejected, the 
Scripture which says "Woe to the kingdom 
whose king is a child," seemed to clench the 
matter also as regarded Frederick ; and, in con- 
sequence, Duke Otto of Brunswick, (although 
the nominee of a discontented minority, and 
quite illegally elected,) was to be German King 
and Elect-Emperor of the Romans. As such 
indeed he is addressed in a letter of i Mar. 1201 ; 
and in return he made fairly comprehensive pro- 
mises concerning rights which as yet he scarcely 
understood. 19 Dated on the same day a great 

19 Ego Otto Dei Gratia Romanorum Rex et Semper Augustus, 
Tibi Domino Meo Innocentio Pape, Tuisque Successoribus, et Ecclesie 
Romane, spondeo polliceor promitto et iuro quod omnes possessiones 
honores et iura Romane Ecclesie proposse mea bona fide protegam 
et servabo. Possessiones autem quas Ecclesia Romana recuperavit 



36 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

mass of letters to various princes and prelates in 
Germany proceeded from Rome : those to the 
prelates, expatiating upon Philip's previous ex- 
communication by Celestine the Third : those to 
the southern princes, urging them to rally to the 
Guelf cause. An obscure knight, Walther von 
Bolland, even secured a whole epistle to him- 
self, praising his desertion of Philip. 20 This may 
well serve as an example of the Pope's thorough- 
going energy in Otto's cause when once He had 
made up His mind to adopt it. 

liberas et quietas Sibi dimittam et ipsam at eas retinendas bona 
fide iurabo. Quas autem nondum recuperavit adiutor ero ad re- 
cuperandum et recuparatarum secundum posse meum ero sine fraude 
defensor et quecumque ad manus meas devenerint sine difficultate 
restituere procurabo ad has pertinet tota terra que est a Radicofano 
usque Cepetanum exarchatus Ravenne Pentapolis Marchia Ducatus 
Spoletanus Terra Comitisse Mathildis comitatis Britenorii cum aliis 
adiacentibus terris expressis in multis privilegiis imperatorum a 
tempore Lodoyci. Has omnes pro posse meo restitutam et quiete 
dimittam cum omni iurisdictione districtu et honore Suo verumtamen 
cum ad recipiendam coronam Imperii vel pro necessitatibus Ecclesie 
ab Apostolice Sede vocatus accessero de mandato Summi Pontificis 
recipiam procurationes ab I His : Adiutor etiam ero ad retinendum et 
defendendum Ecclesie Romane Regnum Sicilie. Tibi etiam Domino 
meo Innocentio Pape et Successoribus Tuis omnem obedientiam et 
honorificentiam exhibebo quam devoti et Catholici Imperatores con- 
suerunt Sedi Apostolice exhibere. Stabo etiam ad consilium et 
arbitrium Tuum de bonis consuetudinibus populo Romano servandis 
et exhibentis et de negotio societatis Tuscie et Lombardie. Similiter 
etiam consilio Tuo et mandato parebo de pace vel concordia facienda 
inter me et Philippum Regem Francorum et si propter negotium 
meum Romanam Ecclesiam oportuerit incurrere guerram subveniam 
Ei sicut necessitas postulaverit in expensis. Omnia vero predicta tarn 
iuramento quam scripto firmabo cum Imperj fuero coronam adeptus. 
— Actum Nuxie in Coloniensi Diocesi, Anno Incarnati Verbi MCCI : 
vi Idus Iunj. Co dice Diplomatico Dominii Temporalis S. Sedis. 
Tom. I. 

20 This letter would seem to be purely gratuitous. 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 37 

We are not concerned with the internal history 
of the German civil war, except in its inter- 
national bearings. It is here that the corre- 
spondence of the Lord Innocent contained in the 
Regesta, catalogued by Potthast, and mostly 
transcribed by Migne, becomes extremely inter- 
esting. We find no less than eight epistles 
addressed to King John Softsword between 1200 
and 1206 urging payment of King Richard's 
legacies to the Elect- Emperor. Three went to 
King Philip the August, impressing him with 
the necessity of accepting Otto and discarding 
the Duke of Swabia. The Pope even took 
charge of the matrimonial affairs of His protege — 
two letters to her father in 1202-3 pointed 
out the eligibility of the Duke of Brabant's 
daughter as Empress. And, when a disposition 
to favour Duke Philip began to manifest itself in 
the German hierarchy, the Lord Innocent was 
seized with a positive scribendi cacoethes of letters 
minatory or persuasive. He had been deeply 
annoyed, that, at the election to the see of Mainz 
in 1200, the Guelfic Siegfried von Eppstein 
should have secured only three votes against the 
nine of the Ghibelline Leopold von Schonfeld : 
while the unfortunate Archbishop of Besancon, for 
rendering royal honours to the Duke of Swabia, 
was menaced with excommunication campanis 
puhatis et candelis extinctis with quite unexpected 
acridity. 



38 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Although the Pope was burning with zeal for 
a Crusade, and well knew that the distressed 
and divided conditions of the Empire forbade 
any hope of assistance for His darling scheme 
from that quarter : yet, nevertheless, He was 
bound both by honour and interest to support 
Otto now. Without pontifical assistance, and 
the constant support afforded through epistles, 
legates, and malediction of his enemies, the Elect- 
Emperor and his claims would have withered 
beyond recognition. Even with all these auxili- 
aries, numbers of his supporters melted away in 
spite of every effort to retain them, until he was 
reduced to a single city, and that (be it noted) 
in his hereditary dominions. 

The Lord Innocent was moved, not so much 
by the loss of skirmishes or the failure of mili- 
tary manoeuvres, as by the continued desertions 
which weakened the Guelfic cause. The German 
princes and prelates of both parties were phenome- 
nally mercenary and interested in their motives, 
and altogether oblivious of the merits of the 
causes which they alternately espoused. So long 
as pay was forthcoming — whether it took the 
shape of silver marks, grants of new lordships, 
confirmations of old spoliations, or advantageous 
marriages for themselves or their children, just 
so long were they loyal to their leader : but no 
longer. 

In this competition, King Otto, from the first, 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 39 

was severely handicapped. The extent of terri- 
tory which owed him obedience was smaller 
than that of his rival : this means that he had 
fewer lordships wherewith to satiate the maws of 
his ravening parasites. His family possessions 
were less wide than the Swabian's ; and even they 
were largely possessed by other people — by his 
enemies whose evacuation he was too weak to 
contrive, and by his friends of whom he dared 
not demand restitution for fear of changing them 
into enemies. And at the same time, the absence 
of bullion in his treasury most seriously ham- 
pered him. He had, from his uncle King John 
Lackland, whole sheaves of promises to pay the 
various legacies bequeathed by the Lionheart's will : 
but these were not negotiable securities either in 
Germany or elsewhere. John did, however, pay 
9000 marks to Otto's military chest on xxviii Jan. 
1 2 13 (Foedera I. 108). This is a good exemplifica- 
tion of the adage " Honour among thieves " : both 
these noble men being, at the time, excommunicated 
and deposed from their respective thrones. 

Duke Philip of Swabia, on the other hand, was 
far from being pinched by penury ; and, further, 
he had the very nicest knowledge of the price of 
a German prince. The Jupan ot Bohemia, for 
instance, who (with the true Slovene thirst for 
regality) had long styled himself King, was 
gratified by Philip's pretensed-imperial recogni- 
tion of his claim ; and was secured as a loyal 



4 o INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Ghibelline. The sequel is delightfully illustrative 
of the manners of these mediaeval peoples. The 
crafty Ottokar later conceived a desire for ponti- 
fical recognition also of his kingly title ; and 
allowed himself to Guelfize for a few months for 
the express purpose of obtaining it. This must 
in no way be accounted a diplomatic triumph for 
the Pope's bow and spear, but simply a manoeuvre 
prompted by the Czech's vanity. For, as soon 
as he was registered as King of Bohemia at the 
Lateran and at Otto's court at Brunswick, as 
well as with the Ghibellines, he was very easily 
frightened back to his former allegiance by Duke 
Philip's threat of confiscation. Indeed he may 
be said to have done very well for himself: for, 
by his latest tergiversation, he gained Duke 
Philip's daughter Kunigunde as his queen. 

The good Bishop Diethelm of Konstanz (who 
was Ghibelline from conviction as well as from 
gratitude for favours past received) was one of 
the chief pillars of the Swabian party. Count 
Wilhelm of Jtilich (who is credibly asserted to 
have surpassed all the rest of his contemporaries 
in the scandal of his life) had recently turned his 
coat in return for a lordship worth 600 marks a 
year and some other minor considerations. This 
ill-yoked pair set themselves to win over no less 
a personage than Archbishop Adolf I of Coin, 
who was the heart and the soul of the Guelfs. 
Bishop Diethelm acted according to his con- 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 41 

science. The Count of Jlilich was well paid for 
his services ; and, as they were successful, the 
money was well spent. The archbishop was 
offered a Ghibelline confirmation of all the Guelfic 
gifts, and not a few further inducements. He 
wavered — held out for a good price — and sold 
himself for 9000 pieces of silver. The price of a 
German archbishop transcended that of a Jewish 
apostle. Saalfeld, given by Otto in return for 
services at election, was confirmed to Adolf; 
and, on the morrow of Saint Martin, 1204, he 
swore fidelity to Duke Philip. On the same day, 
the Duke of Brabant and Lower Lorraine also 
became Ghibelline : his price was the abbey of 
Nivelle, the lordship of Neuss, half Alsace and 
Boppard, with permission for daughters to inherit 
instead of these fiefs lapsing to the Empire. 
Archbishop Adolf, with all the enthusiasm of a 
convert, proposed to crown Philip in Aachen, so 
as to rectify the possibly invalid coronation at 
Mainz : but the inhabitants of Aachen were staunch 
Guelfs ; and (after bitterly reproaching the pre- 
late for his fickleness) they complained about him 
to the Pope. 

The Lord Innocent kept Himself always well 
posted in German affairs. He had noted that 
for some time past, Archbishop Adolf's efforts 
on Otto's behalf had been perfunctory and half- 
hearted ; and had long suspected him of luke- 
warmness: but the news of the treachery came 



42 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

as a distinct blow. To judge from the letters 
which the Pope sent in old days to Adolf, the 
latter would seem to have been almost a personal 
friend ; and, although His Paternity was in duty 
bound to punish the erring prelate by excom- 
munication and deposition, yet He was appar- 
ently more grieved than angry, and continued to 
correspond with him during his disgrace, and 
even conferred a pension on him vii Nov. 1209. 21 
Further, the Pope wrote to Siegfried von Epp- 
stein, whom, (over-riding the capitular vote) He 
had preconized to the archbishopric of Mainz, 
directing him to remonstrate with the transgressor 
and, if in vain, to report to Rome. He also 
decided that in future, German archbishops would 
not only have to take the customary oath on 
receipt of the archiepiscopal pallium from Saint 
Peter's tomb, but also to sign and seal a docu- 
ment, wherein they swore unqualified obedience 
in all things to Peter's Successor. Without doubt, 
Caesar's distress was Peter's opportunity. 

Duke Philip, however, determined to make the 
best of his chances, summoned his adherents to 
see him crowned by the Archbishop of Coin at 
Aachen on New Year's day 1205. This news 
aroused the Elect- Emperor Otto from his lethargy 
at Brunswick, where he, for some time, had been 
enjoying himself heedless of imperial affairs and 
the growing insecurity of his position. He, too, 

21 Cf. Letters to Archbishop Adolf, Appendix VI. 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 43 

summoned his supporters — (now reduced to the 
Duke of Limburg, his own brother William, Arch- 
bishop von Eppstein of Mainz, the Bishop of 
Cambray, and the Abbot of Verden) — to meet him 
at Aachen ; and marched to that city, with the 
idea of holding it against Philip. But the dis- 
parity of forces rendered this impossible ; and 
after some fighting, Otto (being injured by a fall) 
retired to Coin. 

Duke Philip's next step was both ingenious and 
diplomatic. At Aachen, with great pomp, he 
abdicated the kingdom : deposited the regal in- 
signia ; and (as Duke of Swabia) solicited election 
as king. This was unanimously and enthusiasti- 
cally accorded ; and, having now swept away all 
but the radical ground of reproach as to the 
irregularity of his election, Philip and his queen, 
Irene (the daughter of Izaak II Angelos), were 
solemnly anointed, consecrated, and crowned by 
the right archbishop on the traditional spot for 
such ceremonies. Whatever Otto might claim to 
be in virtue of pontifical recognition, Philip at 
least was king by free election and valid (if 
illicit) coronation. As for the vital matter of ponti- 
fical confirmation, Philip no doubt was satisfied 
for the present with the fact that he practically 
had his nation behind him. The other, no doubt, 
would come in due time. It is one thing to ask 
the Father of princes and kings for a crown which 
neither He nor the applicant holds : it is quite 



44 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

another thing to petition for ratification of a 
diadem which one has on one's brow. 

Otto at this juncture seems to have behaved 
in an extremely inadequate manner. He might 
have retained his friends with a little exertion — 
the Abbot of Corvey, for instance, for whom he 
might have requested a mitre (as he successfully 
did for the Abbot of Verden) and who, piqued 
by his sovereign's neglect, went and swore allegi- 
ance to King Philip at his coronation. Otto did 
succeed in preventing Archbishop Adolf from 
carrying Coin along with him : but was un- 
able to hold it against Philip. A German city, 
however, never at any time was noted for loyalty 
to its episcopal ruler ; and very little effort on 
Otto's part sufficed to re-capture it. But Philip, 
tenacious as usual, took it back again ; and, having 
visited the city in state at Easter 1207 and con- 
firmed and extended its commercial privileges, 
taught the Coiners the advantage of being on 
the winning side. 

Even Pope Innocent, notwithstanding His devo- 
tion for Otto, was far too astute to persist in im- 
posing him as emperor upon the German people 
and the princes of the Empire, who manifestly 
were determined to prefer Philip of Swabia. Yet, 
there were many outstanding questions to be 
settled between Himself and Philip, before He 
could transfer His favour to the Ghibelline. He 
therefore prepared a truce ; and insisted to King 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 45 

Philip that the claims of the Apostolic See in 
all ecclesiastical disputes should be conceded. The 
Guelfic archbishops were to be kept no longer 
out of their sees. The deposed Adolf I of Coin 
was not to be maintained in his illegal position. 
Leopold von Schonfeld, the Ghibelline Archbishop 
of Mainz, was to be deprived of his temporalities ; 
and Bruno V was to be set at liberty in order 
that he might succeed his rival Adolf in the see 
of Coin. Finally the army prepared against Otto 
was to be disbanded. With the curious propensity 
which the Church in all ages has shown for fur- 
bishing up rusty weapons, old scores, forgotten 
grudges (when anything is to be gained thereby), 
Innocent offered a full, complete, and uncondi- 
tional absolution from the Celestinian excommuni- 
cation as the price of the renunciation. 

Philip was unwilling to agree to the last demand ; 
and it was not until his own embassy returned 
from Rome, assuring him that he had no alterna- 
tive, that he gave way. Quite apart from the 
difference of their respective positions, Innocent 
was a far greater man than Philip ; and the latter 
was not the first German sovereign — or the last 
— who has shattered his mailed fist upon the 
Rock of Peter. He therefore agreed to the ponti- 
fical terms : was absolved and reconciled to the 
Church, at Speyer, Aug. 1207, swearing to obey 
the Pope in all those matters by disregard of 
which he had incurred censure. 



46 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

The question of a truce — -or, better still, a peace 
— between Philip and Otto, was then treated by 
the legates. Philip, to secure pontifical favour, 
levied a tax for the Crusade throughout the 
Empire ; and confidently awaited the legatine con- 
ditions. These suited him admirably. He was 
to give his daughter Beatrix in marriage to Otto, 
with the right of succession to the duchy of 
Swabia, together with certain lordships and castles 
as her dowry. Otto on his part was to lay down 
his kingly title, and recognize his father-in-law as 
sovereign. 

Otto refused. Philip loyally disbanded his 
army : accepted an unconditional truce ; and 
appealed to the Pope for imperial coronation 
for himself, and pontifical favour for the deposed 
Archbishop Adolf. 

The Pope pardoned and received Adolf, but 
confirmed Bruno V in the see of Coin, at the 
same time when He confirmed von Eppstein the 
Guelfic candidate in Mainz; and He also an- 
nounced, by legate, His intention of recognizing 
Philip as King. 

This means that the Lord Innocent was defeated, 
in that He was obliged to relinquish His support 
of Otto. Yet, so deftly did He wield the weapons 
of spiritual and temporal diplomacy that He all 
but transformed His defeat into a victory. His 
nominees occupied the disputed German sees. 
King Philip, His liegeman, was obeying His 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 47 

commands, humbly asking for imperial coronation, 
as though he were the vanquished asking favours 
of a conqueror. 

But, in June 1208, King Philip was assassi- 
nated by Otto von Wittelsbach, a notorious robber, 
murderer, and perverter of justice, to whom he 
had refused his daughter in marriage. It is said 
that his death was heralded by astronomical pre- 
sages and portents similar to those which terrified 
Rome before the murder of Julius Caesar. 

The Pope was at Sora when He heard the 
news ; and, though He regretted the tragedy, He 
cannot but have been sensible that this event 
definitely and absolutely terminated the unhappy 
struggle, which, during a decade, had afflicted 
Germany with anarchy and civil war. He wrote 
once more to the German princes pointing out 
that the judgment of Heaven had decided in 
favour of Otto. 

The Germans, tired of discord, agreed. After 
a preliminary recognition by the Saxons, Otto 
was solemnly accepted as king by all Germany 
at Frankfort-on-Main, xi Nov. 1208. To make 
his position sure, he followed out the conditions 
agreed upon by his dead rival ; and betrothed him- 
self to Beatrix, dead Philip's daughter, receiving 
her dowry, which consisted of several lordships 
and three hundred and fifty castles. The ban of 
the Empire was put upon Philip's assassin ; and, 
to avoid possibility of another disputed election, 



48 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

it was decided that the prelates and princes of 
Germany should in future entrust their rights of 
choice to seven electors, viz., the Archbishops of 
Mainz, Coin, and Trier, the Duke of Saxony, 
the Count Palatine of the Rhine, the Markgraf 
of Brandenburg, with a casting vote to the King 
of Bohemia. This (excepting from the point of 
view of those princes who had relinquished their 
right of election) was a considerable improvement 
on the old system : for a candidate, there were 
fewer electors to canvass and bribe : while, for 
the electors, there were fewer fellow-voters with 
whom to share the candidate's money. It was 
also a distinct gain for the Papacy. The Empire 
definitely and solemnly reaffirmed its elective 
character within a few months of (what seemed 
to be) the triumph of the hereditary principle. 
The Papacy, which could not but be elective, 
would always be better able to engage the 
Empire on equal terms, if both had to submit to 
periodic intervals of uncertainty, than if it had to 
oppose a long and perpetually interrupted succes- 
sion of tired and somewhat old men and their 
varying views to the steady family policy of an 
hereditarily constituted state. 

King Philip the August, alone of the princes 
of Europe, foresaw what would happen ; and 
warned the Pope that He would be sorry for 
making Otto king. The Lord Innocent, how- 
ever, refused to credit the suggestion ; and inti- 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 49 

mated to His imperial protdge that the double 
crown awaited him in Rome. 22 

Thither, after some doings in Upper Italy, 
King Otto marched ; and was crowned Emperor in 
Saint Peter's, on iiii Oct. 1209. The customary 
bloody fight took place between the Romans and 
Germans ; and the Emperor sought to make the 
Pope responsible for his considerable losses both 
of men and horses in this struggle. The Pope 
considered that the Papacy had been slighted by 
Otto's previous diplomatic gaucherie™ and was not 
inclined to work hard to smooth down or ride 
over the Emperor's brusqueness. The two poten- 
tates quarrelled. And, although for the moment 
matters were kept within due bounds, the Em- 
peror's behaviour during his journey back through 
Matildan Tuscany shewed that the reconciliation 
was by no means a stable one. His act, for 
example, granting the March of Ancona to Azzo 
d'Este in 12 10, was a direct challenge to the 
Pope : for the latter had always claimed the 
March as being a pontifical territory. The Lord 
Innocent answered the affront in a most charac- 
teristic way. On x May 12 10, with subsequent 
confirmation two years later, he granted a Bull 
of investiture {in rectum feudum to the Holy 

22 Letter dated v Jan. 1209. Cj. Appendix VI. 

23 Otto had sent persons of low degree as his ambassadors to 
supplicate for Imperial coronation, instead of princes of rank, 
as was demanded by the exigences of the protocol and Lateran 
etiquette. 

D 



5 o INNOCENT THE GREAT 

See) to Azzo of the very fief of which he had 
obtained imperial investiture with the sword. This 
was check to the Emperor : who replied by seizing 
castles and fiefs, which (he said) the Pope had 
stolen imperio vacante ; and even invented mon- 
strous pretentions justifying his invasion of the 
Kingdom, alleging that his coronation oath bound 
him to recover anything which at any time had 
belonged to the Empire. 

The Pope clearly perceived that His quondam 
client had waxed fat and was kicking ; and wrote 
to King Frederick of Sicily, now sixteen years 
old, inciting him to resist any infringements of 
his rights. But before proceeding to extreme 
measures, Innocent again remonstrated with Otto, 
Nov. 1210, 2 * trusting that gratitude might bring 

24 From the Bull " Quamvis de Regnum" dated i Nov. 1210. 
(From the Altemps MSS.) 

Innocentius Episcopus, Servus servorum Dei, Dilecto in Christo 
filio Ottone, dei gratia Romanorum Regi, semper augusto, salutem 
et apostolicam benedictionem. . . . Quamvis de regnum Apostolice 
Sedis quod Domino disponente mater omnium et magnam insuffi- 
cientes merebit Nos . . . nam quantam Desideravimus personam tuam 
ad imperiale fastigium sublimare et quolibet per Nos ac etiam 
venerabilis fratres Nostros operam efficacem ut coronam Imperj 
ceteris conscriptis principibus obtineres. . . . Ad tantum igitur 
apicem dignitatis per Sedem Apostolicam sublimatus Romanum 
deberes . . . sed habeas pro oculis que modernis temporibus facta 
sunt precipue in antecessore suo videlicet Federico quia fidelitatem 
nolens ut tenebatur Sedi Apostolice conservare prima facie porticam 
Sancti Petri et alia postmodum gravamina intulit ecclesie sacro- 
sancte pro quorum meritis in proprio confere tulit penam ipsam 
quando in filios procul destinavit quia scriptum est " Ego sum Deus 
Qui vities peccata patrum in filios usque in tertiam et quartam 
generationem." 

Hanc filius volens personaliter sepulcrum Domini visitare Israel- 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 51 

him to a better frame of mind. The Emperor 
insolently denied his culpability : alleging, not 
wholly without reason (according to the current 
ideas of the time), that as he was Emperor all 
temporal affairs of the Empire and Christendom 
were within his cognizance, and that the Pope 
no longer had any call to interfere therein. He 
went on to protest that he had never interfered 
with those Spiritualities to which the Pope (now 
that there was a Lay Head for the Temporal 
duties of the world) ought to confine Himself; and 
iterated his newly invented interpretation of the 
imperial coronation oath as an excuse for his 
misdeeds. The Pope delayed a little longer, per- 
mitting the Emperor to heap up evidences of his 
rancour against the Church, and hostility towards 
King Frederick, upon whose head he seemed 
desirous of visiting the sins of his grandfather, 
father, and uncle. 

A crusade has been known to wander beyond 
the control of the Roman Pontiff: but an em- 
peror can never entirely get out of hand. On 
xxxi March 121 1, ten years and a month after 
the Pope first recommended the German princes 
and prelates to support Otto, His patience came 
to an end. He issued a bull of excommunication 
against the Emperor, which was accompanied by a 

iticis non immerito potuit comparari qui propter peccata sua remis- 
sionis terrain nequaquam ingredi meruerunt ante quo tempore 
Jerusolimam intraret morte fuit repentina in quodam flumine 
suffocatus. . . . 



52 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

bull of deposition, absolving his subjects from their 
allegiance to him : furthermore the German princes 
were commanded at once to proceed to a new 
election. This fulmination took Germany by sur- 
prise : but there was no resistance to the Pontiffs 
will. Many princes, actuated by long dormant 
but reviving affection for the Hohenstauffen, 
promptly acted in the name of Germany (although 
they were not the lawful electors). Their choice 
fell upon King Frederick of Sicily : and envoys 25 
were dispatched begging his acceptance of the 
crown. Thus, at the very moment when the 
excommunicate Otto had conquered nearly all 
Sicily within the Pharos (i.e. Apulia and the rest 
of the continental Kingdom) he found that the 
Pope was, even more than of old, able to sway 
Germany to His will ; and that the ground had 
been cut away from under his feet. In very truth 
Otto had played the part of ./Esop's dog : having 
the Imperial Crown safely in his mouth, he had 
dropped it in a vain endeavour to grasp the 
shadowy diadem of Sicily ; and now was awak- 
ened by the splash to find himself an excom- 
municate ex-emperor trespassing on a better man's 
property. 

The young King, in spite of the advice of his 
nobles and the entreaties of his wife, Constance 
de Aragon, accepted the proffered dignity at the 
beginning of 1 2 1 2 ; and hastened to Germany, 

25 Heinnch von Nifen and Anselm von Iustingen. 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 53 

stopping on his way to confer with the Lord 
Innocent. Evading the hostility of the Guelfic 
Milanese, he crossed the Alps and arrived in 
Konstanz : where he held a diet in 12 13, and 
granted liberty of election to the chapters and 
freedom of appeal to Rome. 

On the arrival of this new competitor, the ex- 
emperor Otto hastened to marry his betrothed, 
Beatrix von Hohenstaufifen. She died a few 
days after the ceremony ; and many of Otto's 
adherents, judging the event to portend Provi- 
dential disapproval of the marriage of an excom- 
municate person, left him. Indeed, this prince, 
either from his infelicitous manners, the malig- 
nance of his stars, or whatever form of words 
best expresses permanent ill luck, seemed more 
able to lose supporters than to gain — or retain — 
them. Otto, however, so far profited by his 
widowerhood as to be able to marry Mary of 
Brabant, upon whom he had had his eye for more 
than twelve years ; and thus secured (in a round- 
about way) the support of her father the Duke 
of Brabant. Further, being convinced that (while 
King Philip the August was his enemy) he never 
could make headway against King Frederick, 
and led away by the frantic promises of his 
uncle King John Softsword, he embarked against 
the French, with his new father-in-law and the 
Counts of Flanders and Boulogne in the disas- 
trous avuncular expedition which was smashed at 



54 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Bouvines, xxvii Jul. 12 14. This, once more, 
reduced him to the status of mere Duke of 
Saxony, Lord of the moderate inheritance of 
Brunswick : Coin alone of all Germany (out- 
side his ancestral dominions) remaining faithful 
to him : while for a second time he suffered the 
bitter mortification of seeing a successful rival, 
this time King Frederick, crowned in his stead 
at Aachen in May, 1 2 1 5 : an event which signa- 
lized the triumph of Innocent's policy for the 
last time in Germany. 

Throughout his Ottonian German policy the 
Pope, after the first gambit in favour of the 
Hohenstauffen which had been ruined by the 
unreasoning folly of the Bishop of Sutri, was 
playing a game which was not of His choice. 
Betrayed by His agent, the Lord Innocent was 
unable to continue the Hohenstauffen friendship ; 
and had to become a Guelf. Now a powerful man, 
accustomed to choose or make his own battle- 
fields, is cramped when suddenly compelled to 
fight on ground of some one else's choice by 
reason of the sudden incompetency of a trusted 
servant. The Lord Innocent was annoyed at 
having to support the phlegmatic Otto ; and was 
hard put to justify His course at all. It speaks 
well for the authority exercised by Innocent over 
the Germans that He was able to maintain His 
struggle so well against the Swabian, to get 
such good terms for His protege when it appeared 



INNOCENT AND THE EMPIRE 55 

necessary to abandon his cause, to impose a re- 
jected candidate upon the Princes who for years 
had upheld a leader of entirely opposite policy, 
and lastly (having made and crowned him with 
all the Empire obedient to his rule) to brush him 
aside and make the same Princes obey a third 
and still more different candidate. 

And it is more than ever remarkable that the 
cause for which Otto was deposed was one which 
would be likely to find favour among the patriotic 
Germans — the recovery of lost imperial provinces 
and the consolidation of German power in Italy, 
and that the person in whose favour he was 
deposed was a boy who could speak no German, 
born in Sicily, brought up under the tutorship 
of the Pope and a self-confessed vassal and 
liegeman of the Holy See. But this success is 
due to the fact that the Lord Innocent was 
once more fighting on ground of His own choice 
and was logical as well as authoritative in His 
diplomatic reasoning. 



CHAPTER IIII 

CONCERNING INNOCENT THE THIRD AND 
THE FOURTH CRUSADE 

Innocent's crochet — Difficulties — State of Christendom — Innocent's 
efforts — Funds — Foulques de Neuilly's mission — Count Baldwin 
of Flanders — New levy of " Dime Saladine" — Venetian contract 
— Venetians suspected — Chief crusaders — Boniface of Montferrat 
— Oct. 1 202 — Proposed assault on Christian Zara — Peter the 
Legate — Innocent threatens excommunication — Crusaders des- 
perate — Nov. 1202, Capture of Zara — Massacre of Latins — Dual 
Sebastocracy a failure — Jan. 1204, Nikolaos Kanabos, Basileus — 
Rise of" Murtzuphlos," 1203— Death of Izaak II—" Murtzuphlos" 
becomes Alexios V — Dandolo warns Latins — Feb. 1204, Alexios 
IIII murdered by usurper — Latins in arms — Alexios V blinded 
by Alexios III — Latins sack Byzantion — but preserve incredible 
relics — Latin rule — Baldwin of Flanders, Emperor of Romania — 
Latin Patriarch of Constantinople — Latin King and Princes — 
Alexios III at Hadrianopolis — Numerous pretenders — at Tre- 
bizonde — in Epiros — at Nikaia — at Herakleia — and elsewhere — 
Innocent and the new empire — Thievish Latins — " Respect 
Church property" — Emperor Baldwin blunders at Bulgaria — 
Innocent's diplomacy defeated — 1205, Baldwin captured by 
Bulgars — Innocent's new responsibilities — Venetian arrogance — 
1208, Innocent's efforts with Laskaris — Room for the great 
Orders — Templars and the new princes — Thefts of gifts — 
Latin Hierarchy — ecclesiastical supervision — Venetian cupidity 
— Venetian patriarch protests — 121 1, Patriarch Morosini dies — 
1211 — 1215 sedes vacat — 1215, Gervais of Tuscany, Patriarch 
— 1204, Bull, Legimus in Daniele — Innocent's hopes expressed 
— and unfulfilled. 

The darling wish of Pope Innocent's heart was 
that Christendom should take really efficacious 

measures to reconquer the Holy Land, and to 

56 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 57 

re-establish the now shadowy kingdom of Jerusalem. 
This was His fixed idea. He would have liked 
to live and labour for this end alone. He felt 
the presence of the Infidel in the Holy City to 
be an insult to Christianity, and the torpor of 
Christendom in submitting to such an affront to 
be an insult to Heaven. 

No one knew better than Innocent what a 
host of difficulties beset the scheme for a Crusade. 
He was quite aware of "the inertia, the stolidity, 
the volatility, the inconstancy, which rulers have 
to direct, to curb, to shape." 26 Yet He bravely 
encountered the passive opposition of princes, and 
set Himself to crystallize the fluent phantasies 
of peoples. His favourite adjuration to kings 
militant was " Make peace, and take the Cross." 
To the rest, He said, "As you are at peace, take 
the Cross." 27 He must have felt keenly the repu- 
tation in which Germany held Him. His policy 
there had led Him near to one of the two 
serious mistakes of His life, when He (the 
apostle of the Prince of Peace and God's vice- 
gerent) Who was constantly urging Christians 
to surcease from interchristian strife and com- 
bine against the Infidel, found Himself both the 
initiator and the mainstay of a state of affairs 
which simply amounted to the handing over of 
one of the best recruiting grounds for crusaders 

38 Rolfe. Hadrian the Seventh. 

27 Cf. the Pope's letters : Appendix VI. 



58 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

to anarchy and civil war. It shews immense 
perseverance and no small powers of persuasion 
and organization, that the Lord Innocent was 
able to get a Crusade to start on its way at all ; 
and it would be hardly fair to blame Him for 
its scandalous misbehaviour when it passed from 
His control into the clutches of the Venetians. 

At the beginning of His reign, the outlook in 
politics must have been indeed disheartening to 
a Pontiff intending Himself toward Christian unity 
and annihilation of Infidels. The principal mon- 
archies of Christendom were too fully occupied 
with their own (or their neighbour's) affairs, to 
be in the least receptive of His hints of the 
nobler tasks which awaited their brains and 
swords. The lesser states were as suspicious of 
the greater, as were the greater of one another. 
Some sovereigns were setting ineffable examples 
of the state of matrimony ; and the inevitable 
pontifical censure prejudiced them against the 
blandishments of the Pontiff. The great Orders, 
Christendom's first line of oftence and defence, 
were quarrelling and bickering among themselves 
in the very face of the enemy. The Christian 
princes in the Levant were behaving like heathen 
savages — the Count of Tripoli, for instance, (who 
flayed his archbishop) and the Prince of Antioch 
(who sold Christians as slaves to the Saracens 
and was suspected of schismatic leanings to- 
ward Orthodoxy). The Basileus of Byzantion, 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 59 

Alexios III, to whom Innocent wrote xiii Nov. 
1199, 28 was meditating a war of conquest against 
the King of Cyprus, instead of one of aggression 
on the Saracenic states. The Republic of Saint 
Mark was finding trade with the Infidel far more 
profitable than any war, in however good a cause. 
The only bright spot which shone through the 

28 Tom. 1. Reg. Inn. PP. Ill Ex Archivis. No. cccxxxix, p. xcvii, 
part of 1st and 2nd sheet. 

Imperialis excellentie magnitudo si se coram humiliaverit 
qui humilia respicit et alta a longe cognoscit et super sui stabilierit 
imperii fundamentum preter quod aliud poni non poteat est Christus 
[Migne (of course) reads "ipse" instead of " Christus "] Iesus et 
super Quo Ipse Dominus Noster nascentis ecclesie posuit funda- 
mentum. " Super hanc petram," inquiens " Edificabo ecclesiam 
Meam," exaltabitur et elevabitur quoniam omnis qui se humiliat 
exaltabitur secundum testimonium veritatis et firmabitur et non 
flectetur quoniam edificium quod super hoc fundamentum consistet 
nee casum timet nee ad machinas formidat hostiles . . . Cum 
enim Dominus Noster unam Sibi sponsam elegerit non habentem 
maculam neque rugam iuxta quod in Canticis protestatur [the MSS. 
reads " ptest," the abbreviation for " ro " being omitted] " una est," 
inquiens "dilecta Mea sponsa columba Mea" et in evangelio dicet 
"alias oves Habeo que non sunt ex hoc ovili et illas oportet Me 
adducere ut fiat unum ovile et unus Pastor." Cum etiam in con- 
sutilis tunica Christi divisa non fuerit et in simbolo contineatur 
expresse Credo Unam Sanctam Catholicam et Apostolicam Ecclesiam 
Grecorum populi ab unitate Apostolice Sedis et Romane Ecclesie 
recedentes que disponente Domino cunctorum mater est et magister 
sibi aliam ecclesiam confinxerunt si tamen que preter unam est 
ecclesia sit dicenda. 

Ut igitur utroque predictorum murmur Christiani imo ut Christum 
tibi reddas propicium celsitudinem tuam Rogamus Monemus et 
Exhortamur in Domino et in remissionem Iniungimus peccatorum 
quatenus propositis aliis sollicitudinibus viriliter ac potenter assurgas 
in adiutorium Iesu Christi et ad terram illam [Migne reads "ipsam" 
instead of "illam"] quam Ipse Proprio Sanguine comparavit. De 
qua in Psalmo habetur " Homo factus est in ea et Ipse fundavit earn 
Altissimus" et alibi " Deus Rex Noster ante secula operatus est 
salutem" in medio ferre liberandum de manibus paganorum et 
restituendam pristine libertati ut in ea Nomen Domini glorificetur 



60 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

mist of Christian rivalries was that the great 
leaders of the Saracens Salah-ed-din and Nur- 
ed-din were dead, and that their successor Seif- 
ed-din was not Soldan of an united Islam. 

However, nothing daunted, the Lord Innocent, 
overburthened though He was with the affairs of 
The Church and The Empire, set Himself whole- 
heartedly to the task of preparing a Crusade. It 
was a labour of love, prosecuted without waver- 
ing. His first efforts met with little response : 
princes and peoples alike turned a deaf ear. It 
was almost in vain that the Pope devised means 
of collecting funds for the sacred cause. The fire 
of enthusiasm which had lighted former Crusades 
had degenerated into the merest flicker, and the 
Pope had to seek a latter-day Peter the Hermit 
to revive the dying embers. He found him in 

in secula sicut tantus princeps manum extendas et exercitum dirigas 
copiosum sperans in Eo Qui est Spes omnium Qui non deserit 
sperantes in Se quod paganorum multitudinem a facie tui exercitus 
effugabit. Nos enim remissionis et protectionis quam profetur hoc 
aliis principibus Christianis Indulsimus te Volumus esse participem 
dum modo ad succursum terre sancte potenter assurgas studeas 
etiam imo sicut potes efficias ut Grecorum ecclesia redeat ad Sedis 
Apostolice unitatem et ad matrem filia [it seems to show a lack of 
historical perspective to invite the Orthodox Church to consider 
itself to be the daughter of the Latin Church], revertatur, ut oves 
Christi ab uno pastore regantur sicut Ei mandatur a Domino : " Si 
[Migne omits " Si "] diligis Me Symon Petre pasce oves Meas " ut 
et sub uno capite cuncta membra corporis [Migne reads "corpori"] 
connectantur illo videlicet cui Dominus ait "Tu vocaberis Cephas" 
quod caput interpretatur. 

[The letter bearing the date xi Nov. 1199 to the Patriarch 
Ioannes X Kamtera is written in the same tone, makes use of the 
same arguments, and quotes the same texts.] 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 61 

Foulques de Neuilly, a parish priest whose new- 
found eloquence was exciting all who heard him. 
A pontifical commission to preach the crusade 
started this tolutiloquent fugleman on a missionary 
journey through France and Flanders. His suc- 
cess became notable and bred further success : 
the Counts of Champagne, Blois, and Lyonnais, 
the bishops of Soissons and Troyes, Simon de 
Montfort, Jean de Brienne, Mathieu de Mont- 
morency, Geoffrey de Villehardouin, the Lord of 
Joinville and some threescore lesser lords, volun- 
teered from France. ! The Pope ingeniously used 
the interdict which lay upon that country as a 
means of obtaining money for the crusade : Mass 
might be celebrated in such places whence con- 
tributions for that object were forthcoming. 

In the north, the turbulent Count Baldwin of 
Flanders became aware that King John Soft- 
sword's was not a stable (and therefore a satis- 
factory) alliance against King Philip the August ; 
and he took the Cross, seemingly to avoid fresh 
difficulties with France. Minor men in multitudes 
came from the same region, such as the Counts 
of Boulogne and St. Pol, and Nicholas de Mailly. 

The Pope's joy at this small response to His 
exhortations did not blind Him to the question 
of ways and means. Tournaments, the wearing 
of furs and versicoloured clothes, were forbidden 
on the ground of their expense. The Cistercians 
and Premonstratensians as well as the secular 



62 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

clergy of France were pressed for a new dime 
saladine : secular taxation of absent crusaders was 
stopped : money was extracted from Jews by the 
fashionable methods of the age : clerks were per- 
mitted to mortgage three years' revenues of their 
benefices ; and the laity were excused the interest 
due on debts. Negotiations were concluded with 
the maritime republics of Italy — excepting Pisa 
and Genoa, neither of which could be employed 
without offending the other. Amalfi had largely 
fallen into the sea and decrepitude ; and so was 
unable to make any tender. A mercantile con- 
tract with the Venetians was drawn up and 
accepted ; whereby the crusaders undertook to 
pay, as fares, a great deal more money than they 
were ever likely to possess, i.e. 85,000 marks, 
which Htirter (in 1830) calculates as being equal 
to .£750,000 sterling. According to the Codex 
Diplomaticus of Hungary it appears that the 
entire revenues of that kingdom at the time of 
the Fourth Crusade were no more than 166,000 
silver marks. Consequently these Crusaders agreed 
to pay, as passage-money, a sum nearly equal to 
half the annual income of a considerable kingdom. 
The Venetians undertook, for this sum, to convey 
4000 knights and horses, with their 9000 squires 
and 20,000 infantry, and to feed their convoy for 
nine months. The Pope, however, pleased at the 
apparently approaching realization of His dreams, 
approved : but He stipulated that no operations 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 63 

against Christians were to be undertaken by this 
expedition. Events shewed His suspicions of the 
Venetians implied by this condition to be only 
too well founded. 

The principal personages (excluding, of course, 
the Venetians) who took part in the Fourth 
Crusade, were Count Thibaut of Champagne, 
Marquess Boniface of Montferrat (afterwards King 
of Thessalonika), Count Baldwin IX of Flanders 
(afterwards Emperor of Romania), Henry, brother 
of the last (and his successor in the Romanian 
Empire), Eustace, brother of the preceding, Jean 
de Brienne (afterwards King of Jerusalem and 
later still Emperor of Romania), Gaultier, his 
brother (afterwards Count of Lecce and Prince of 
Taranto), Geoffrey de Villehardouin (afterwards 
Lord of Messinople and Marshal of Romania), 
and his nephew (both afterwards Princes of 
Akhaia), Simon de Montfort (afterwards Count of 
Toulouse), the Count of Blois, the Count of St. Pol, 
the Count of Lyon, the Count of Perche, the 
Count of Malaspina, Gaultier de Montpellier (after- 
wards Constable of Romania), the Lords of Join- 
ville, Dampierre, Laval, Bethune, and Frouville, 
the Bishops of Soissons, Halberstadt, Bethlehem, 
and Troyes, Nicholas de Mailly, Milo de Brabant, 
Guillaume de Champlitte (afterwards Prince of 
Akhaia), Othon de la Roche (afterwards Megaskyr 
of Athens), Manasses de Lille, Jacques d'Avesnes, 
Guy de Nesle, (afterwards Baron of Geraki), 



64 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Bernard de Montmirail, Gaultier de Cardoville, 
Mathieu de Montmorency, and Jean de Neuilly 
(afterwards Lord of Passavant and Marshal of 
Akhaia). 

The Count of Champagne, the leader of the 
crusade, died before it started ; and the Marquess 
Boniface of Montferrat (brother of Konrad of evil 
memory) was elected leader in his stead. After 
ceaseless and heart-breaking delays, the crusade 
at last left Venice on viii Oct. 1202, with the 
avowed intention of fleshing its swords upon 
the Christian town of Zara in Dalmatia. This 
unholy scheme was brought about by the poverty 
and improvidence of the crusaders (who gave all 
that they had, and all that they could borrow,) and 
also by the unchristian cupidity of the banausi- 
cally-minded Republic of Saint Mark : for, in spite 
of every effort and heroic financial sacrifices, the 
necessary payments, without which the Venetians 
refused to carry out their contract, were short by 
34,000 marks. 

The unhappy crusaders had been dumped upon 
the island of San Stefano, and treated very much as 
though they were prisoners. Rumours flew about 
that the Saracen Soldan Seif-ed-din was offering 
great privileges to the Doge Dandolo, to bribe him 
into diverting the course of the Crusade. And so 
the Venetians proposed to their debtors the reduc- 
tion of the revolted seaport of Zara, as a means of 
fulfilling their obligations. The Pope was advised 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 65 

of this, probably by German pilgrims, who (dis- 
gusted at the prospect of becoming mercenaries of 
Saint Mark) tried to make their way to the Holy 
Land from other ports. The Lord Innocent 
promptly sent Cardinal Pietro I of Capua, 29 pres- 
byter of the Title of SS. Marcellinus and Peter, 
with legatine powers, to try to dissuade the 
Venetians and the crusaders from the Dalmatian 
objective. Those tradespeople, however, received 
him with scant courtesy, refusing to let him ac- 
company the army in an official capacity ; and 
his efforts to divert the expedition to an attack on 
Alexandria completely failed. As a last resource 
the Pope threatened the Crusade with general 
and particular excommunication if it should dare to 
act against any Christians whatsoever and especi- 
ally against the Zarantines. But the crusaders, 
desperate from want of money, from starvation 
consequent upon the high prices in Venice, and 
sick of delay and uncertainty, accepted the Vene- 
tian terms: and (viii Oct. 1202) sailed blindly 
into the excommunication, and took Zara for their 
employers on xviii Nov. 1202, a fitting beginning 
for an expedition which covered the name of 
Crusade with disgrace, destroyed an ancient and 
Christian empire amid scenes of appalling bar- 
barity and heathenish vandalism, and rendered 
itself ridiculous by the absurd simulacra of re- 
spectable institutions, which it set up haphazard in 

29 His nephew Pietro II succeeded him in his benefices. 

E 



66 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

a feeble attempt to replace the orderly (if archaic) 
structure of the Byzantine Empire. 

It may as well be said (with a wet finger) that 
the Fourth Crusade was (from the very beginning) 
an essentially artificial movement, germinated under 
the exotic emotionalism of Foulques de Neuilly's 
fervoriniy and nourished at Venice by the peddling 
hucksters of that city for their own aggrandise- 
ment. The unhappy movement disgraced itself 
more and more at every step. Zara fell ; and the 
crusaders, ring-led by the nose, were carried on 
to Byzantion with the object of unseating a more 
than usually odious usurper, the incapable Basileus 
Alexios III Angelos (soidisant, after the manner 
of that period, Komnenos) in favour of his brother 
the ex- Basileus Izaak II (whom he had deposed 
and blinded) and his nephew Alexios I III. The 
wretched Basileus allowed himself to be frightened 
out of impregnable Byzantion after a nine days' 
siege. The Venetians and their tame Latins 
entered, in the names of the restored joint Basileis. 
Of course the restoration was conditional. The 
Venetians were to have trade privileges which 
would make them commercial despots ; and the 
Latins were to have the obedience of the East 
to the Holy See to offer as a sop to the Cerberus 
of the Seven Hills — a gift which must have been 
singularly unpleasing to Pope Innocent, Who had 
hoped to achieve this end by diplomacy, and was 
keenly aware of the value of compulsory adhesion 



Irene of Hungar 



iiikos II 



Theodora = Konstantinos Angelos 



Maria = Komnenc 



IZAAK KOMNENOS 

Basileus of Gyprus 
1185-1191 



= Theodora 
Q. Dowager 
of Jerusalem 



Andronikos = 
Angelos 



William III 
uess of Montferrat 
[See Table D) 



Ioannes Angelos 
Komnenos 



K 



Manuel 

of Thessalonika 

1230-1240 

Despot of Epiros 

1 230- 1 237 



Izaak Angelos 
Dukas 
d. 1203 



L. of 

ika 

7 



Conrad = Theodora 



Demetrios I 

K. of Thessalonika 

1207-1222 



Ale 
Palaic 



>iikas 



Table B— THE BYZANTINES 



Alexios 1 Komnenos — Irene, d. of Andronikos 
nephew to the Basileus 
Konstniitiuos XI Dukas 



Nikephoros Bryennios = Anna, d. n 



Irene of Hungary = Ionmics II Komnenos 

I Basileus, 1118-1143 



Theodora = Konstantinos Angelos 



Andronikos Protosebastos 
d. 1 113 



Alexios Protosebastos 
d. 1 142 



Fulk Plantagenet 
K. of Jerusalem 

1131-1142 
(See Table F) 



Bertha of Sulzbach = Manuel I Koninenos 

Basileus, 1143-1180 



Maria, d. of Raymond de 

Poitiers, Pr. of Antioch 

1136-1149 

(See Table E) 



Maria Komnena : 



Amaury I 
K. of Jerusalem 



(See Table G) 



Baldwin III 

K. of Jerusalem 

1142-1162 



: Theodora = Andronikos II 



Maria = Komnenos 



Izaak Komnenos 

Basileus of Gyprus 

1185-1191 



Rainer de Montferral = Theodora 
K. of Thessalonika 
d. 1182 
(See Table D) 



Alexios II Komnenos = Agnes, d. of Louis VII 
Basileus, 1180-1183 K. of France 

(See Table H) 



Andronikos II 
Komnenos 

Basileus, 1183-1185 

Theodoros Branas 

Despot of Apron 

and C. of 

I Adrinople 



Theodora 
Q. Dowager 
of Jerusalem 



Manuel Komnenos 



Alexios 

Despot of Trebiz 

1204- 



A 



Despot of Herakleia 



Mikhael I Angelos 

Despot of Epiros 

1204-1214 



Theodoros 

K. of Thessalonika 

1222-1230 



Manuel 

K. of Thessalonika 

1230-1240 

Despot of Epiros 

1230-1237 



Izaak Angelos 
Dukas 
d. 1203 



William III 

Marquess of Montferrat 

(See Table D) 



Izaak II Angelos 

Basileus, 1185-1195 
1 203- 1 204 



Maria, d. of Bela III = Boniface, K. of 
K. of Hungary Thessalonika 

1204- 1207 



Conrad = Theodora 



Alexios III Angelos — Euphrosyne 
Basileus 
1195-1203 



Alexios IIII Angelos 

Symbasileus 
1 203-1 204 



Roger, son of = Irene : 

Tancred 
K. of Sicily 



Philip, D. of Swabia 
Elect-Emperor 
(See Table E) 



Demetrios I 

K. of Thessalonika 

1 207- 1222 



Alexios = 
Palaiologos I 



Theodoros I Lusknris 

Basileus 
1204- 1222 



Maria, d. of Peter 

Emp. of Romania 

{See Table C) 



Leon Sguros = Alexios V Dukas 

Despot of Basileus 

Nauplia 1204 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 67 

to the dogma of pontifical supremacy. Alexios 
the Third, after his deposition, maintained himself 
as Basileus at Hadrianopolis for some years ; and 
incited the Sultan Gajat-ed-din against Theodoros 
I Laskaris of Nikaia, his son-in-law, in hope of 
regaining his lost empire. But he was at length 
captured, and died, like many of his predecessors, 
a monk. 

As was to be expected, Greeks and Latins 
could not exist side by side in peace. Quarrels 
of individuals and quarrels of crowds became 
the order of the day. The hasty action of some 
Flemings, who (bubbling over with Christian 
bigotry and a lust for loot) had burned the 
Saracen mosque, which Greek toleration per- 
mitted to exist in the city, led to a massacre of 
resident Latins and a nine days' conflagration, 
devastating a considerable part of the five 30 regions 
into which Byzantion was divided. Thus was ex- 
tinguished all hope of the maintenance of a good 
understanding between conquered and conquerors. 

The blind Basileus Izaak was in a premature 
dotage, the result of his affliction and twenty 
years' semi-starvation in a dungeon. He became 
querulous, and suspicious of the son whom he 
could never see : he objected to the presence of 
the Latins, whom he regarded (not without 
cause) as idolaters : he was bitterly opposed to 

30 Gibbon says eight — of which the Venetians obtained three as 
their share in the partition. 



68 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

the (to him) new-fangled notions of obedience to 
Rome ; and his bigoted hatred of the heterodox, 
coupled with his patriotic and comprehensible 
mistrust of the Venetians, caused him to forget a 
proper gratitude for his deliverance from bondage 
by Latin hands. The dual sebastocracy was not 
a success : for, while the elder Basileus roused the 
suspicions of the Latins by his hostile babblings, 
the younger disgusted the Greeks by his pro- 
romanism. Popular irritation against the roman- 
izing friend of the Latins came to a head when 
(at the end of Jan. 1204) the Byzantine mob 
got out of hand ; and compelled a well-dressed 
young man, named Nikolaos Kanabos, to accept 
the dangerous honour of the purple buskins. 
This did not at all suit the book of one of the 
court officials, a certain Alexios Dukas, called 
Murtzuphlos, or "shaggy-eyebrows." He had 
held a command under Alexios the Third, in 
which he gained some small military reputation ; 
and, in 1203, had all but succeeded in burning 
the Latin fleet. Wishing to better his position 
as protovestiarios of the palace, he collected his 
adherents : spread the report that Alexios the 
Fourth had betrayed the city to the barbarians; 
and, by a trick, succeeded in obtaining posses- 
sion of the younger Basileus, whom he at once 
imprisoned. A similar fate befel the unwilling 
competitor for the Basilicate, Kanabos : while the 
aged Izaak is said to have died of fright on 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 69 

hearing of the sudden reverse in his but newly 
altered fortunes. 

Dukas then donned the purple buskins as 
Basileus Alexios the Fifth ; and enthusiastic Greeks 
hailed him as the saviour of his country. With 
extreme boldness, coupled with extremely Oriental 
duplicity, he once more attempted the destruc- 
tion of the Latin fleet ; and laid a trap for the 
princes, trying to persuade them to a conference 
in the palace by stating that he wished to make 
certain promised payments. The Doge Dandolo 
in his youth had been an envoy to the Byzantine 
court ; and no doubt remembered its treacherous 
proclivities — he had been blinded there in 1173, 
a fact which may account for much of his bitter- 
ness against the Greeks. He however saw 
through Dukas ; and warned the Latins. This 
so exasperated the usurper that he strangled the 
unfortunate Alexios the Fourth, after having 
beaten in his ribs with a mace, viii Feb. 1204. 

The Latins, beset with dangers, were com- 
pelled to act with the vigour of desperation : 
although in the heart of a hostile country, they 
besieged a hitherto impregnable capital ; and, in 
two months, by constant attack, reduced it. On 
the night of viii April, the reign of Alexios V 
Dukas ended (as it had begun) in floods of 
blood. Niketas and Villehardouin tell us that he 
escaped with the Basilissa Euphrosyne (his mother- 
in-law) to the court of Alexios the Third, where, 



70 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

after a short interval of treacherous friendship, 
he was blinded by his predecessor, who then 
turned the miserable wretch out to wander in 
darkness and despair. In an attempt to reach 
Asia, he was caught by the Latins, and flung 
from the summit of the Column of Theodosius, 
a doom which had been predicted by the poet 
Tzetzes, half a century before. 31 He may have 
been a criminal, or he may have been a patriot : 
he was without doubt a very violent man, a 
forceful ruler, and a sharp thorn to the Latins. 

This is not the place to expatiate upon the 
size, beauty, wealth, or importance of Byzantion 
as it was before the Sack, or upon the horrors 
of that Sack. It will suffice to say that the 
Latins behaved like Hunnish barbarians ; and 
succeeded in achieving a ruin comparable only 
to that wrought by the Romans in Jerusalem, the 
Arabs in Alexandria, or the Constable de Bour- 
bon's troops in Rome. They were bewildered by 
the wealth which they found ; and childish super- 
stitions usurped the realm of sane judgment : 
priceless objects of real intrinsic worth were heed- 
lessly destroyed, while the most incredible relics 
were zealously preserved. Beside the True Cross 
and the Crown of Thorns (afterwards pawned to 

31 In passing one would like to point out that the Byzantines 
invariably discovered (generally after the event) that every im- 
portant occurrence had been predicted at some time or another by 
a monk or a poet. A prediction to them was as necessary for the 
completion of an event as is a record thereof to us. 






-EMPIRE OF ROMAI 



VI = Adelaide, d. of Humbert II 
France Count of Maurienne 



Theodoric of Alsace = Sibylle Planta 



Count of Flanders 



Fulk V, Count 
and K. of Je 



Baldwin V, Count = Margaret, Coui! 
of Hainault of Flanderg 

1171-1195 d. 1194 I 



Isabelle 



Henry = Alice, 
Emperor K. of 
1206-1216 (St 



Guy, Count 
of Flanders 



Geoffrey II de = Agnes Endre ] 

Villehardouin d. 1247 King c 

Pr. of Akhaia Hungai 



Table C— EMPIRE OF ROMANIA 



Louis VI = Adelaide, d. of Humbert II 
King of France I Count of Maurienne 



Demoiselle 
de Donjon 



Reginald, Lord = Hawise, da. of Robert 
of Courtenay J Bastard to King Henry I 
Beauclerc 



Alice, daur of = Louis VII 



Thibaut II, Count 
of Champagne 



King of France 



Eleanor, Heiress 
of Acquitaine 



Henry II, Fitzempress Theodoricof Alsace = Sibylle Plantagenet, d. 



(See Table F) 



Count of Flanders 



FulkV, Count of Anjou 
and K. of Jerusalem 



Peter, Lord of=Elizabeth, Heiress 



Courtenay 



of Courtenay 



Philip II The August 



Henry I, Count = Maria 
of Champage 



Richard I Lionheart 
d. 1 199 



Baldwin V, Count ^Margaret, Countess 

of Hainault of Flanders 

1-1195 d. 1194 



Henry I 

King of Jerusalem 

{See Table G) 



Maria = Baldwin I 

Emperor, 1204-1205 
Count of Flanders 
{as Baldwin IX) 



Ferdinand of = Joanna = Thomas II 
Portugal Ctss. of Count of 

Flanders Maurienne 
1 305-1 244 



John I 
Count of 
Hainault 



Philip II = Isabelle 
The August 
1195-1205 



Henry = Alice, d. of Boniface 
Emperor K. of Thessalonika 
1206-1216 {See Table D) 



English House 
of Courtenay 



lolande = Peter, Emperor, 1213 
Lord of Courtenay 



Burchard = Margaret = William, Lord 
d'Avesnes Ctss. of of Dampierre 
Flanders 
1244-1280 



John de Brlenne = Bereng 



Co- Emperor 

1229-1237 

King of Jerusalen 

1210-1225 

{See Table E) 

(See Table G) 



of King Don 

Alfonso IX 

of Ledn 



Philip 


Bobert 


Geoffrey II de 


M. of Namur 


Emperor 


Villehardouin 


refused the Empire 


1221-1228 


Pr. of Akhaia 


d. 1226 







Endre II = lolande 
King of d. 1225 
Hungary 



Theodoros I 

Laskaris 

Basileus of 

Nikaia 

(See Table B) 



Baldwin II, Emp. = Maria 
1228-1261 dep. 
d. 1273 



ERRATUM 

Page yi, lines 18 and 19, for "with Byzantine rites" 
read " with Latin rites and Byzantine regalia." 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 71 

the Venetians and sold by them to Saint Louis) 
some clothes of the Blessed Virgin, a tooth of 
Our Lord, His baby-linen, the identical Cup 
used at the Last Supper, part of the Bread 
broken thereat, a tooth of Saint John Baptist, an 
arm of Saint Stephen, and the entire body of Saint 
Andrew (now at Amalfi, except the head which 
was taken to Rome in the reign of Pope Inno- 
cent the Eighth), were cherished by blood-stained 
fanatics. 

The Sack being ended, the Latins set about 
erecting some form of government in place of 
the departed Greek rule. Twelve Electors, six 
Latin prelates 32 and six Venetian nobles, 33 after 
nearly offering the Crown to the Doge Dandolo, 
finally (xvi May) decided upon Count Baldwin 
of Flanders for the newly invented dignity of 
Emperor of Romania. He was crowned with 
Byzantine rites three weeks later, in Sancta 
Sophia : which cathedral, together with the right 
of nominating a Latin Patriarch, now belonged 
to the Venetians, as part of the bargain whereby 
it was stipulated that the latter and the Latins 
should divide the Empire and the Patriarchate be- 
tween the two parties. The Venetians appointed 



32 Jean the Elect-archbishop of Acre, the Bishops Gamier of 
Troyes, Nivelon de Cherisy of Soissons, Pierre elect of Bethlehem, 
and Konrad of Halberstadt (a German), and Pietro Abbot of Loca 
in Lombardy. 

33 Vitale Dandolo, Ottone Querini, Bertuccio Contarini, Nicolo 
Navagero, Pantaleone Barbo, and Giovanni Baleggio. 



72 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Tommaso de' Morosini ; and the Lord Innocent 
confirmed him in his position. The chiefs of the 
Latins were rewarded with fiefs under the new 
empire. Boniface of Montferrat got the king- 
dom of Thessalonika, to which he considered 
himself entitled as heir to his brother Rainer, 
titular king thereof in right of his wife Maria, 
daughter to the late Basileus Manuel I Komnenos : 
Othon de la Roche, a lordship of Athens : Guil- 
laume de Champlitte, a principality of Akhaia : 
and two Venetians became Duke and Admiral 
of Naxos and Lemnos respectively. A host of 
smaller lordships, Thebes, Nauplia, Andros, etc., 
satisfied smaller ambitions ; and the new empire 
launched out into war : for Basileus Alexios III 
was threatening the capital from Hadrianopolis. 

If the Latins thought that the capture of 
Byzantion would put an end to Greek opposition, 
they were very soon undeceived. The sebasto- 
cracy, beheaded in its capital, sprang, hydra-like, 
into existence elsewhere. Beside Alexios III 
at Hadrianopolis, another Alexios, of the House 
of Komnenos, proclaimed himself at Trebizond : 
an Angelos (Mikhael I) aspired to the purple 
buskins in Epiros ; and Theodoros I Laskaris, 
was saluted (after a short period of nominal 
viceroyalty on behalf of his father-in-law Alexios 
III) as Basileus at Nikaia, beside smaller men 
at Herakleia, Rhodes, Apron, Lakedaimon, and 
Nauplia. The magic name of the Roman Empire 



D— THE M 



' Old = Judith, d. of 

,183 



of Bela = 



of 



ary 



Boiiif'i 

M. 1192- 

K. of Thess 

1204-1: 



Bertha, d 
Jonika Boniface IV 

:posed. Gravesar 



Table D— THE MONTFERRATS 



William in the Old = Judith, d. of Leopold III I von Babenberg 
Marquess, 1140-1183 I Duke of Austria 



Andronikos Angelos 
(See Table B) 



Isabelle Planta- = 
genet, Queen 
of Jerusalem 



M. 1183-11Q2 
K. of lerusalem 



Izaak II Angelos = Maria, d. of Bela = 
Basileusof III, King of 

Byzantion Hungary 



Iolande 
Q. of Jerusalen 



= John de Brienne 

K. of Jerusalem 

and Co. Emp. of 

Romania 

(See Table C) 

(See Table E) 

(See Table G) 



: Eleonora, d. 
of Humbert III 
Count of Savoy 



William 

Pr. of Ascalon 

d. 1 179 



Sibylle Planta- Rainer = Theodora, da. 

genet, Queen Tit. King of of Basileus 

of Jerusalem Thessalonika Manuel I 

(See Table G) d. 1183 Komnenos 

(See Table B) 



Beatrix de Viennois 

d. of Andrew of 

Burgundy, Dauphin 

de Viennois 



= Demetrios 
K. of Thessalonika 
1207-1222 deposed. 



Bertha, d. of = 
Boniface M. of 
Gravesane 



M illiam llll 

M. 1207-1225 



Alice = Henry, Emperor 
of Romania 
(See Table C) 



Baldwin V de Montferrat 

K. of Jerusalem 1183-1186 

(See Table G) 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 73 

had in fact become quite cheap — two princes 
in the West, and no less than five in the East, 
laid claim to it. After this, any man might hope 
to die a Roman Emperor. 

It was fortunate that Pope Innocent the Third 
was at a distance from Byzantion — and also un- 
fortunate : fortunate — in that He could not see 
the horrors and ruin of the Sack, — unfortunate in 
that He could not be kept immediately advised 
of all that happened. Important letters (for the 
Basileus Alexios 1 1 II) arrived from Rome the 
day after that prince was murdered : while others 
(urging the Latins to abstain from fresh hostili- 
ties) only arrived in the middle of the siege. 
The Pope, recognizing that what was done could 
not be undone, made the best of the new Latin 
empire and patriarchate. Though He was not 
particularly pleased with the appointment of 
Morosini, He confirmed that Patriarch rather 
than have the distressful country without consti- 
tuted ecclesiastical authority : for it was full time 
that there should be a high ecclesiastical autho- 
rity on the spot to curb the thievish tendencies 
of all the Latin princes (from the emperor to 
the Lord of Thebes) toward Church property. 
The Lord Innocent had to write letter after letter 
to these demoralized potentates, the burthen of 
which was always "Respect Church property": 
excepting when the princes shewed themselves 
to be at all penitent, and then the charge would 



74 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

change to " Restore Church property which you 
have stolen." 34 Sometimes a Prince would be so 
far restored to grace that the Pope could urge 
him to pay tithes with some hope of success, 35 
and there are letters even, written to pious 
crusading lords, impressing upon them the duty 
of maintaining at their own expense clerical vicars 
in the livings of which they were lay rectors. 36 

It must have been exasperating in a high 
degree for the Pope, when the blundering Emperor 
Baldwin I bolted off at random to fight those 
very Bulgarians, who had shewn themselves so 
amenable to pontifical diplomacy. All the Lord 
Innocent's cherished schemes for maintaining the 
union of Bulgaria with the Catholic Church were 
defeated by the Flemish emperor's ponderous 
efforts to protect his nascent realm from the Tsar 
Kaloyan. His expedition very properly ended in 
captivity ; and the Pope, Who had been accus- 
tomed to write as a spiritual father and superior 
to the obsequious but observant and wide-awake 
Bulgar, was reduced (xvi Aug. 1205) t0 as ^ tne 
foolish emperor's life and liberty as a favour from 
the exulting barbarian — and to remain calm when 
this request was refused. The extreme bitterness 
of all His subsequent letters to the Venetians is 
very well to be understood, seeing that He was 

34 Letter to Lord of Thebes, xiiii July 1208. 

35 Letter to Megaskyr of Athens, xxiiii Jan. 1209. 

36 Letter to Archbishop of Athens, viiii Mar. 12 10. 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 75 

human, and regarded them as the source and 
origin of all the misfortunes of His once cherished 
Crusade. The Latin conquest of part of the 
East, instead of lightening, materially increased 
the Pope's cares. Hitherto, an occasional letter, 37 
or a long drawn and intermittent negotiation, had 
been all that had affected Him from that quarter. 
Now, each petty prince needed as much paternal 
advice as the most outrageous western sovereign ; 
and the Church in Romania required a great 
deal more pontifical protection and attention than 
did the bishops of the Toulousain. The Venetians 
too, (very high and mighty since their Doge 
bore the title of Lord of a Quarter-and-Half-of- 
a-Quarter of the Roman Empire, 38 and enjoyed the 
whole of the commerce thereof) had to be looked 
after. Their tendencies, which were ever more and 
more to place filthy lucre before Christianity, and 
trade before the maintenance of those pathetic morsels 
of Palestine, had to be kept within due bounds. 

As, however, it was a case of quae cum ita 
sint, the Lord Innocent did His duty by the 
Latin Empire as best He could. He took special 
charge of the interests of the Church, which 
must have been still largely served by orthodox 
papas, as we are unable to trace any sufficiently 
large influx of Latin clerks to take their places. 
The Pope wrote frequently on the subject of 

37 Cf. note 28. 

38 " Dominus quartae partis et dimidiae Imperj Romani." 



76 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

the validity of Orthodox Orders which He ex- 
pressly acknowledged, 39 but insisted that all future 
ordinations or consecrations of Greek clerks should 
follow the Latin Rite. 40 He tried to reduce the 
lamentable divisions among the local impera- 
tunculi of the East. In all good faith He wrote, 
xvii Mar. 1208, to Theodoros I Laskaris, Basileus 
in Nikaia, urging him to surcease from stiff- 
neckedness, and to acknowledge the Latin em- 
peror of Romania as the legitimate successor of 
Justinian, and his lawful sovereign. This must 
have been a curious letter to be received at the 
court of Nikaia, (which was Byzantine in all 
save geographical position) by a prince who was 
certain in his own heart that he was the one 
and only Autocrat of All the Romans. The 
Pope was also moved to protest to the Despot 
Mikhael Komnenos of Epiros against his treat- 
ment of the Archbishop of Durazzo, and to 
desire him to leave that prelate in peace. 41 The 
conquest, however, had one good result beside 
that produced by the scattering of objects and 
evidences of Byzantine civilization over the avid 
West. A very large tract of country, hitherto 
closed to the great Orders, now lay open to 
them. Estates, which they never could have 
possessed before, now became theirs ; and helped 



39 Letters to Patriarch of Constantinople, viii Mar. 1208. 

40 Letter to Archbishop of Larissa, iiii Oct. 1208. 

41 Letter, xvii Aug. 1209. 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 77 

to defray the cost of their unequal but perpetual 
warfare against the Infidel. 

It seems, however, that the Latin princes (pro- 
bably still under the influence of the spiritual 
disquiet produced by the major excommunication), 
when they first entered upon their new sovereign- 
ties, made lavish gifts to the Templars in the 
shape of lands and churches. It was a case of 
giving in haste, and repenting at leisure ; for, 
from the numerous letters written by the Pope 
upon the subject to the Patriarch Tommaso, to 
the Emperor Henry, to the Constable of Romania, 
and to the lesser offenders, one of the most 
salient vices of the Latin lords seems to have 
been that of stealing back the lands which they 
had given to the Templars. But as these latter 
were usually quite capable of looking after their 
own property [more particularly when the pecu- 
lators were such small fry as the Lord of Thebes, 
or the Lord of Soule (Syla)], it might seem that 
the Templars had bitten off more land in the 
Morea and Romania than they could chew ; and, so, 
afforded filching princes an opportunity of snapping 
up what they hoped would be unconsidered trifles. 

Again too, the Pope set Himself seriously to 
organize a Latin Hierarchy throughout the newly 
conquered East. In general, He followed Greek 
traditions and established a Latin archbishop in 
every Orthodox metropolitical see. The Lord 
Innocent expressly directed that the Latin arch- 



yS INNOCENT THE GREAT 

bishops of Akhaia should enjoy precisely the same 
plethora or dearth of suffragans as had their Greek 
predecessors, 42 and refused to allow any change to 
be made in the boundaries of dioceses. 43 Further- 
more He kept up a system of steady supervision 
over the ecclesiastical affairs of Romania in general. 
We find Him making the Latin prelates act in 
unison to extract tithes from Venetians, 44 to exact 
obedience from foreign clerks, 45 and to compel lay- 
men (notably the widowed Queen of Thessalonika) 
and dishonest bishops to disgorge stolen Church 
property. 46 In Akhaia, the Pope used the Hospi- 
tallers as tithe-collectors 47 ; and from time to time 
found Himself obliged to take individual churches, 
or even entire sees, under protection as a means 
of saving them from rapacious laymen. 48 On other 
occasions He had to chide the Bishops of Akhaia 
for excessive eagerness to excommunicate, and for 
allowing their soldiery to annoy clerks. 49 In addi- 
tion to these political and semi-political measures, 
which the Lord Innocent was compelled to take 
by reason of the indiscipline into which the Latins 
(as ever in the East) fell in Romania, He also 
considered it to be His duty to adjust the differ- 

42 Letter to Archbishop of Athens xxvii Nov. 1206. 

43 Letter to Bishops of Akhaia xxv Mar. 1210. 

44 Letter to Bishop of Gallipoli xii Mar. 1 208. 

45 Letter to Patriarch of Constantinople xxv Apr. 1208. 

46 Letter to Archbishops of Patras and Thebes xxiii Jan. 1209. 

47 Letter to Archbishop of Athens x Oct. 1208. 

48 Letter to Canons of Thebes xxiii Jan. 1 209. 

49 Letter to Archbishop of Patras xxii Mar. 12 10. 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 79 

ences between bishops and their chapters, 50 to 
make arrangements whereby the cathedral services 
of ruined dioceses might be kept up and the 
poverty of the Church tided over. 51 On the other 
hand He would not allow undue exactions to be 
made on Orthodox monasteries which seemingly 
were not to be suppressed; 52 and He was par- 
ticular to insist that the same liberties should be 
allowed to Greek clergy who joined the Roman 
Church as they had been accustomed to enjoy 
under the Orthodox regime. 53 

Both the Lord Innocent and the new Latin 
empire were much vexed by the Venetians' be- 
haviour with regard to their treaty rights con- 
cerning appointment to ecclesiastical benefices. 
The Republic of Saint Mark insisted upon pre- 
ferring Venetians only ; and, to such an extent 
did they push their monopoly that at last the 
Patriarch Tommaso (himself a Venetian) protested 
energetically : complained to the Pope ; and refused 
to appoint any more Venetians. It is worth noting 
that he had been compelled to promise to appoint 
none but Venetians ; and, though the Pope ab- 
solved him from the promise as being contrary 
to the interests of the Church, the Venetians had 
contrived to hold him to it for quite a long time. 
Now at last his sense of decency overcame his 

50 Letter to Archbishop of Nazoresca xxiiii Jan. 1209. 
61 Letter to Bishop of Daulis vi Feb. 1209. 

82 Letter to Bishop of Thermopylai xxxi Mar. 12 10. 

83 Letter to Bishop of Kardia xxix Mar. 12 10. 



80 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

national prejudices. Matters were a little mended 
by his action : but, unfortunately, after excom- 
municating King Levon of Armenia for robbing 
the Templars, he died, in June 121 1, at Thessa- 
lonika. The election of his successor was the 
signal for a fresh display of greed and inter- 
national bickering. The Venetians tried by force 
to secure a patriarch of their own : the Latins 
relied upon an appeal to Rome in favour of their 
candidate. The Pope, however, quashed both 
elections ; and sent a legate to insist upon an 
unanimously supported patriarch. Nothing could 
be decided. The Latins called the Archbishop of 
Herakleia patriarch, while the Venetians decorated 
the parish priest of their own quarter with the 
same title. The see, therefore, was vacant from 
1211-1215, i.e., until the assembling of the Lateran 
Council, which, after solemnly settling the precedence 
to be enjoyed by future patriarchs of Constantinople, 
petitioned the Pope to nominate a prelate and 
determine the vacancy. In consequence, one Ger- 
vais, a simple Tuscan priest, was made patriarch of 
Constantinople out of the Plenitude of the Apostolic 
Power ; and the Council congratulated itself upon 
the permanent subordination of the Eastern Church 
to Rome, quite regardless of the fact that there 
was a Greek patriarch, Maximos II, of Byzantion, 
who lived at Nikaia, and was far more really the 
representative of the Orthodox Church than was 
a Latin curate out of Tuscany. 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE 81 

The Fourth Crusade brought no honour to 
Innocent the Third. He seems to have been 
glad to escape from the shameful position in which 
it had placed Him, by pretending to draw pleasure 
from the facts that a Latin patriarchate was estab- 
lished on the ruins of schismatic Byzantion, and 
that the Latin Mass was sung in Sancta Sophia 
amid the smoke and dust of the collapse of Chris- 
tendom's last Eastern bulwark against the ad- 
vancing foes of Christianity and civilization. In 
the Bull Legimus in Daniele He expressed the 
hope that Byzantion which is "defendendum et 
retinendum," would afford a point d'appui for a 
successful Crusade into the Holy Land (vii-xiii 
Nov. 1204). How bitterly He was disappointed 
all history shews. To the Fourth Crusade is due 
the presence of the Turk in Stamboul — and Inno- 
cent the Third originated the Fourth Crusade. 
Happily for His memory, the Pope was not wholly 
responsible for the mischievous havoc wrought by 
His Frankenstein. He was vilely served. As a 
far-seeing statesman none could regret more keenly 
than He the substitution, as the shield of Europe, 
of the pasteboard Latin empire for the tried mail 
of the Greek. As a far-seeing Churchman none 
could perceive more clearly than He that the estab- 
lishment of a Latin Hierarchy throughout the 
Empire of Romania was only a conquest from 
and in no way a conquest of Orthodoxy. 



CHAPTER V 

CONCERNING INNOCENT THE THIRD 
AND SICILY 

Innocent, Suzerain of Sicily — Meaning of pontifical primacy — Inno- 
cent's Own conception of His office — The Sicilian Question — 
Innocent's unique relation to Sicily — Cause of Sicilian trouble 
— 1 198, King Frederick II, aged four — The Bull Et Zizania — 
Markwald's case, and supporters — Markwald takes the field — 
Innocent's opposition — Markwald's success — Innocent denounces 
him — his first excommunication and failure in Apulia — he would 
bribe Innocent — Who rejects such offers — Markwald uncondi- 
tionally submits — but tries treachery — Aug. 1199, Markwald's 
second excommunication — he becomes a brigand — Complications, 
Gaultier de Brienne — Innocent's dilemma — Investiture of Gaultier 
de Brienne — Excellent results thereof — Chancellor Walther 
excites Markwald — Markwald's Saracen ally — Siege of Palermo 
— Pontifical and Royalist victory — Flight of Markwald — his re- 
covery — quarrels with the Chancellor — who is blamed by the 
Pope — 1201, Rebel defeat at Barletta — 1202, Death of Markwald 
— Capparone rebels — Marriage of Frederick — Pisan interference 
— 1205, Gaultier de Brienne killed by Diopold of Acerra — who is 
reconciled — as is Capparone — 1208, Frederick, aged 14, begins 
to reign — Otto invades Sicily — 12 12, Frederick, aged 18, elected 
Roman Emperor — Summary 

It has been asserted that though the Apostolic 
See was defeated (in the military sense) at the 
battle of Benevento, it really won a great diplo- 
matic victory in securing the feudal suzerainty 
over the kingdom of Sicily : but it is possible 
that this gain was not so valuable as it has been 

deemed. Apart from the amount of the tribute, 

82 



INNOCENT AND SICILY 83 

the " Chinea," which was more nominal than real, 
the incessant and inextricable difficulties in which 
the suzerainty perpetually plunged the Papacy, 
rendered it at one time a Wooden Horse of Ilion 
and at another a Box of Pandora. It is customary 
to allege that the Popes have never been back- 
ward in asserting or inventing claims to every 
sort of imaginable right when it has been to 
Their advantage so to do. This allegation is 
due either to ignorance, or to misunderstanding 
of the pontifical position as conceived by the 
Roman Pontiffs Themselves. When the historian 
realizes, as the Popes Themselves undoubtedly 
realized, and realize, the gist of the plain un- 
varnished (and yet enormous) charge addressed 
to Them in Their coronation office, and the 
exact signification of the same, "Accept the tiara, 
and know that Thou art Father of princes and 
kings. Ruler of the world and on earth Vicar of 
Our Saviour Jesus Christ " 54 — as well as of other 
official and public and accepted epithets used by 
and in description of the Papacy and its pre- 
rogatives — e.g. " Supreme Pontiff," " Plenitude of 
Apostolic Power," — it may as well be conceded, 
that (if words mean anything) no one has a right 
to be surprized, or to attribute undue or over- 
pretentious arrogance to Peter's Successors, when 
They act absolutely and autocratically on the 

54 Accipe tiaram, et scias Te esse Patrem firincipum et regum, 
Rectorem orbis, in terra Vicarium Salvatoris nostri Jesus Christi. 



84 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

strength of the absolute and autocratic right 
formally and solemnly conceded to Them by 
the perdurable consensus of the major part of 
Christendom. Innocent the Third's own concep- 
tion of His supremacy over secular sovereigns 
was as clear as daylight. He defines it in an 
epistle dealing with the disputes of the kings of 
England and France. "If thy brother trespass 
against thee, go and tell him his fault between 
him and thee alone ; and, if he will not hear thee, 
then take with thee one or two more ; and, if 
he shall neglect to hear them, tell it unto the 
Church : but if he neglect to hear the Church, let 
him be unto thee as a heathen man, and a publican. 55 
Now," He proceeds, " the king of England main- 
tains that the king of France, by enforcing the 
execution of an unjust sentence, has trespassed 
against him. He has therefore admonished him of 
his fault in the manner prescribed by the gospel ; 
and, meeting with no redress, has (according to the 
direction of the same gospel) appealed to the 
Church. How then can We, whom Divine Provi- 
dence has placed at the head of the Church, refuse 
to obey the Divine Command ? How can We 
hesitate to proceed according to the form pointed 
out by Christ Himself? We do not arrogate to 
Ourself the right of judgment as to the fee : that 
belongs to the king of France. But We have a 
right to judge respecting the sin ; and that right it 
55 St. Matt. XVIII, 15-17. 



INNOCENT AND SICILY 85 

is Our duty to exercise against the offender, be he 
who he may. By the imperial law it has been 
provided, that if one of two litigant parties prefer 
the judgment of the Apostolic See to that of the 
civil magistrate (apud Grat. caus. ii. 9. I. can. 35), 
the other shall be bound to submit to such judg- 
ment. But if We mention this, it is not that We 
found Our jurisdiction on any civil authority. God 
has made it Our duty to reprehend the man who 
falls into mortal sin ; and (if he neglect Our re- 
prehension) to compel him to amend by ecclesias- 
tical censures. Moreover, both kings have sworn 
to observe the late treaty of peace, and yet Philip 
has broken that treaty. The cognizance of perjury 
is universally allowed to belong to the ecclesiastical 
courts. On this account therefore, We have also a 
right to call the parties before Our tribunal." 56 

Even had the Popes been free from the 
Sicilian incumbrance, they were quite likely — 
(as Fathers of kings and princes and Rulers 
of the world) — to make Their consent necessary 
to a successful tenure of the Sicilian crown by a 
layman. As things were, however, this weapon 
was one which could be made to cut both ways. 
It was sometimes contrary to Their interests, for 
example, to be obliged always to remember that 
the Kingdom was an appendage of the Patri- 
mony, more particularly when it was a question 
of an Emperor becoming the Pope's liegeman 

56 Cap. Novit. 13, de iudidis, (cited by Lingard, II. 307). 



86 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

for his extra-imperial southern dominions. This 
Sicilian question often demanded very subtile 
diplomacy. When the Pontiff happened to be 
a man-of-God rather than a man-of-the-world, it 
was apt to assume indeed the proportions of a 
white elephant, the ownership of which is sup- 
posed to be at once pleasing to the pride and 
ruinous to the purse and mental peace of the 
possessor. Innocent the Third, by a trick of 
fortune, was placed in a position toward His 
vassal which no other Pope has occupied before or 
since. He was at once Warden of the King and 
Protector of the Kingdom ; and it speaks well for 
His high sense of duty that He took His charge 
so seriously as almost to despair of being able to 
devote sufficient attention to fulfilling the expecta- 
tions of the Empress Constance, who had confided 
her child and his Kingdom to the Apostolic care. 

Much of the Sicilian trouble was due to the 
Lord Innocent's action in deposing Markwald von 
Anweiler from the governorship of the March with 
which he had been invested by the late Emperor. 
This German, with singular pertinacity, ferocity, 
and cunning, had determined to carve for himself 
a principality ; and to found a dynasty. Foreigners 
in all ages in Italy have entertained such ambi- 
tions : in the Twelfth Century adventurers pranced 
prospectively in every province. The fisherman 
in troubled waters of politics most frequently 
lands the best prizes ; and the difficulties, into 



INNOCENT AND SICILY S7 

which the minority of King Frederick — (crowned 
xvii May 1198 at the tender age of four) — and 
the non-residence of the Apostolic Warden and 
Protector plunged the Kingdom, seemed admir- 
ably suited for Markwald's purpose. 

It is interesting to note that the very first 
Bull (after the one proclaiming His Own election) 
which the Lord Innocent issued, viiii Jan. 1198, 
was Et Zizania. It announced His intention of 
weeding His fields, gathering the wheat into His 
garner, and burning up the tares (zizania) with 
the fire unquenchable of malediction ; and it was 
directed against Markwald. The deposed Mar- 
quess was supported by the chancellor, Bishop 
Walther of Troja, the Count Palear, and Count 
Diopold of Acerra ; and he produced a document, 
purporting to be the real will of the Empress 
Constance which appointed him tutor of Sicily 
and administrator of the Kingdom. Finding 
further support from the German lords of Molise, 
he marched across the peninsula to Monte 
Cassino : which, being a natural fortress of great 
strength, might be regarded as the key of Sicily 
within the Pharos. 67 This aggression of course 

57 When the kingdom of Sicily came to be divided into two 
states a little later in the 13th century the Monarchs of either 
part, claimed, kinglike, the whole title of Sicily. Consequently 
they were differentiated by their contemporaries by the qualification 
of "within" or "without the Pharos" according to the continen- 
tality or insularity of their dominions. The use of the phrase in 
the text which is anachronistic by about half a century may perhaps 
be excused as an intelligent anticipation. 



88 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

could not be permitted ; and the Lord Innocent 
dispatched His uncle, Lando di Montelongo, with 
600 men, all He could raise at short notice, to 
oppose the Germans. At the same time, the 
Pope roused Umbria and the Marches in the 
German rear ; and fulminated warnings to the 
Sicilians against Markwald, 58 and demands for help 

58 The following are some of the principal documents concerning 
Sicily and Markwald : — 

In a letter from the Lateran dated Feb. 1199, addressed to the 
Archbishops of Palermo, Capua, Reggio, and Monreale, and 
the Bishop of Troia, chancellor of The Kingdoyn. {The Arch- 
bishop of Messina is omitted as he was in rebellion at the time.) 

"Constantia* Imperatrix Friderici Siciliae Regis tutelam et 
regni balium Nobis testamento reliquit et Nos super utroque 
ab omnibus assecurari mandavit . . . cum Marcovaldus persecutor 
regni non dormiat sed regnum perturbare moliatur. . . . Precavete 
vobis et regno ab insidiis Marcovaldi qui licet aliud mentiatur 
regnum tamen non regi sed sibi usurpare contendit." — Reg. I. 564. 

In a letter of the same date to the Clergy, Barons, Judges, 
Soldiers and whole populace of Capua. 

" Si opus esset eandem peccatorum remissionem Concederemus 
omnibus qui Marcovaldi et suorum violentiam expugnarent quam 
Concedimus omnibus qui contra Sarracenorum perfidiam ad de- 
fensionem orientalis provincie accinguntur." — Reg. I. 558. 

In a letter dated between March and August 1199, to the Arch- 
bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors and whole Clergy of Calabria 
and Apulia. 

"Expunite singulis et per universam parrochiam vestram faciatis 
exponi tyrranidem Marcovaldi cuius consilio nobiles vestri passi 



* Constance was daughter of Ruggiero the late king of the legitimate 
Norman line. A professed nun, she was taken by force from her convent to 
marry the Emperor Henry VI. She was fifty years old at the time and 
" because it was not believed that she could bear at that age, she was de- 
livered in a pavilion ; and it was given out that any lady who pleased might 
see her. Many came and saw her and the suspicion ceased." — Malaspina 
in Muratori Rer. Ital. Script, viii 939. 



INNOCENT AND SICILY 89 

to the Rectors of Tuscany. This shews that 
He took the German at his own valuation ; and 
prepared for his destruction accordingly. 

At first, success leaned towards Markwald : the 
fort of San Germano guarding the approach to 
Monte Cassino surrendered, and he proceeded to 
sit down before the monastery, which very nearly 

exilium et ferreis vinculis alligati. . . . Volumus nihilominus et sub 
eadem districtione Mandamus ut ipsum et universos complices eius 
singulis diebus Dominicis et festivis pulsatis campanis et candelis 
extinctis excommunicatos publice nuntietis." 

And in another letter Markwald is referred to — 
"satis hactenus manus Teutonica regnum turbaverat . . . verum 
Marcovaldus Dei et ecclesie inimicus antiquus, regni Sicilie perse- 
cutor." 

In a letter dated x Aug. 1199 to the Archbishops, Bishops, Counts, 
Barons, Citizens and whole Populace of The Kingdom {of Sicily). 
" Excommunicamus et Anathematizamus ex parte Dei Omnipo- 
tentis et beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolum Eius auctoritate et 
Nostra Marcovaldum et omnes fautores eius, tarn Teutonicos quam 
Latinos, specialiter Diopoldum, Othonem, Siffredum, et Othonem 
de Lavian, Hermanum, et Castellanum Sorelle, qui principaliter 
adherent Marcovaldo. . . . Forma receptionis haec fuit iuravit 
Marcovaldus publice sine pacto quolibet et tenore super crucem et 
evangelia quod super omnibus pro quibus excommunicatus existit 
sine fraude mandatis Nostris obediet universis quae sibi per Nos 
vel nuntios aut litteras Nostras duxerimus facienda. . . . Mandatum 
est ei sub debito praestiti ivramenti ut a balio regni invasione 
quoque ac molestatione ipsius per se ac suos omnino desistat nee 
ipsum aut patrimonium beati Petri per se ac suos vel alium ullo 
modo molestet universa quae detinentur ab ipso restituat . . . sed 
ad vomitum rediens et volens adhuc in stereo re suo computrescere 
ut iumentum Nobis post absolutionem quasdam Nobis litteras 
destinavit. . . . Postmodum vero idem Marcovaldus Nobis litteras 
destinavit in quibus in manifestum sui periurii argumentum se balium 
et procuratorem regni Sicilie non erubuit nominare. . . . Nos igitur 
fraudem eius et versutias attendentes qui putavit Nos fallere sed 
potius se decepit omnia quae fuerant in forma excommunicationis 
prioris expresse . . . ipsum tanquam periurum sacrilegum incendi- 



9 o INNOCENT THE GREAT 

had to capitulate for want of water. But on 
xv Jan. 1 198, a sudden storm filled the abbey 
tanks ; and the Germans, whose position was 
hazardous, were compelled to raise the siege. 
This gave the signal for many of the southern 
lords to rally round the baby-king ; and the Pope 
addressed a general epistle to the Sicilians urging 
them to oppose Markwald, by supporting their 
lawful sovereign against a foreigner guilty of the 
most atrocious crimes and cruelties : Markwald 
was to be treated as a Saracen, and therefore 
out of law : villages or provinces cursed by his 
presence were ipso facto to suffer interdict ; and 
the Lord Innocent concluded by announcing the 
dispatch of money for the payment of troops 
acting against the bandit. 

Markwald slipped into Apulia, demanding its 
obedience : but his failure at the petty siege was 
followed by the publication of his first excom- 
munication, in which his companions " Germans 
as well as Latins " were anathematized nominatim. 
Markwald, who was aiming not merely at the 
Tutorship of Sicily, but at the very crown of 
The Kingdom, finding that the measures taken 

arium perfidum sceleratum et invasorem Excommunicamus, Anathe- 
matizamus, et Damnamus." 

The letter concludes with a general -warning to beware of 
Markwald 
"qui sanguinem vestrum sitiunt et inducere vos nituntur in 
perpetuam servitutem." — From the Breve " Exoptata Regni Tran- 
ouillitas." 



INNOCENT AND SICILY 91 

by the Pope were an insuperable obstacle to his 
success, now approached Innocent with proposi- 
tions indicating how entirely he had mistaken his 
opponent's character. His simple Teutonic logic 
opined that a bribe might not be unacceptable 
to the Successor of the Colleague of Judas. And 
he approached the Pontiff's Holiness with a re- 
quest that He would desist from opposing him 
in his designs on the throne of the boy- king, 
who was (so he offered to prove) not the son 
of the Emperor Henry VI and the Empress 
Constance at all, but a changeling. In return 
for this amenity he offered to pay 40,000 gold 
Sicilian uncie, 59 part in cash and part after the 
capture of Palermo, together with a double feudal 
tribute and increased right for the Holy See over 
The Kingdom ; and lastly he offered to become 
liege-man and not merely vassal for his crown. 

His proposition being rebuffed with the scorn 
which it deserved, the versatile and ingenious 
German expressed a desire for unconditional re- 
conciliation. The Pope could not refuse assent 
to such a petition ; but, suspecting treachery, He 
laid down very severe conditions. Markwald, 
after much demur and a well-wrapped-up and 
skilfully planned threat, accepted them ; and pro- 
tracted the negotiations with the legates who were 
charged to accept his submission. Meanwhile, 
however, he was writing numerous letters to 

69 The Sicilian uncia is a coin about the size of a half-guinea. 



92 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

various personages in Germany and Italy, claiming 
all kinds of titles, and confessing the fictitiousness 
of his reconciliation with the Papacy. The Pope 
riposted with a fresh and more bitterly worded 
Bull of the Greater Excommunication on x Aug. 
1 199. Markwald, ad vomitum rediens, et volens 
adhuc in stercore suo computrescere, had to take 
the consequences ; and all Sicily was warned to 
beware of the man and his companions " who drink 
your blood and strive to bring you into perpetual 
slavery." 60 

After this exposure of his machinations Mark- 
wald made no more ado, but entered Sicily ; and 
set up as a brigand. This he was able to do 
almost with impunity, owing to the disorganiza- 
tion of the administration ; and beside he was 
secretly backed up by the chancellor Walther. 
This prelate was filled with ambition, which he 
was unable to gratify : even though he had practi- 
cally supreme power in the realm, he desired the 
archbishopric of Palermo which carried with it 
the Sicilian primacy. The Pope, Whose only 
knowledge of the chancellor came through the 
Apostolic ablegates, was unwilling to grant his 
request at once : but would allow him (in his 
capacity as Chancellor of The Kingdom) to ad- 
minister the archiepiscopal demesnes until sufficient 
data for a decision could be collected. Meanwhile 

60 " qui sanguinem vestrum sitiunt et inducere vos nituntur in 
perpetuam servitutem." 



Table E 



Bertha, d. of Otto 
Margrave of Susa 



Henrv I = Margaret 
Beauclerc of Scotland 
i ico i 135 



>ld III 
Austria 



IIEXItY V = Matilda = Geoffrey 
Emperor C. of Anjou 

1106-1111-1125 



" 

rd-= Sichelgaita 
of Salerno 



I Adela of Friesland 
Queen Dowager 
of Denmark 



Albina = 
of Castile 



Henry the Black 



Henry d'Este 
The Proud 



Henry II 

Fitzempress 

1154-1189 



William I = Margaret 
K. of Sicily d. Garcia 1 1 II 
1154-1166 K. of Navarre 



Henry the Lion = Matilda 

d'Este Plantagenet 

D. of Saxony 



IMP II = Irene, d. of 
Emperor Izaak II Angelos 
J8-1208 {See Table B) 



Roger III 

D. of Apulia 
1149-1161 



Henry 

Pr. of Capua 

d. 1172 



Richard I 
Lionheart 
1189-1199 



John 



Ethisa 
rdinand III 
of Castile 
e Table H) 



Roger II 

K. of Sicily 

IT91-1193 

= Irene, dau. of 

Laak II Angelos 

Ba ileus of Byzantion 

she remarried 

Philip II 
Elect-Emperor 



Williaj 

K. of Sicily, 

Pr. of Taranto 

= Jehane Pk 

d. of Her 

Fitzemp 

{See Tab 



Beatrix = OTTO IIII 
Emperor 
1198-1209-121J 



Bohenond = Hss. of Boutron 



>f K. 
I 



William I 
Lord of Boutron 



/\ 



the case of Emperors the middle date given is that of 
their imperial coronation at Rome. 



Table E THE EMPIRE, SICILY AND ANTIOCH 



iiinhv mi Bertha, A. ofOlto 

Emperor ■ Margra 

1056-1084-1106 



H«-nrv I — Margaret 
Heauclerc of Scotland 
I ICO 1115 



I ,ir Hautevilk 



D. ol Apulia 



P. of Apulia 



Humphrey 
O. of Apulu 



Robert Guixart Sii helgnita 

V ..! Apih-i I 



Roger 1 



! iranio 
Pt. of Aniioch 
1 108- 1 100 



a. ot Philip 1 



Isatwlb = Willi. mi ol 
l.r.uilrmrnil 



■..och 
1 131 



Roger I 
1085 -1111 



Willum II 



I Ml. i-i: I 

Of lvnm.uk 



Alt.ina ROCI ■ I 

K ol 

11 1 1 1 , 



Reihel 



Prederii k I 
l>. tif Swabia 



Leopold in 

M. of Austria 



heubi v 

fcmperor 

IO6 III! II25 



flcnry the Iilack 



M.uilil.i = Kom.i.l 



ki.sit li. Ill 



Fretlerti k 1 1 1 1 
1 1. ol Swabia 



cl 1 1 Judiib, 'i. ol 

1 1. of Swabia Henry i!m- Black 
1 105 n-47 ' '■ of Saxony 



11:11.11:111. 1 
Barb in 
1 mperor 
1152 1155-1190 



Beatrix of Burgundy 

•I. H.iyn.il.l III 



Matilda = Geoffrey 
C. of Anjoj 



Henry 11 
Fitzempress 



154-1189 



Henry the Lion 

d'Este 
D. of Saxony 



Matilda 
Plantagenet 



Wni 1 \\i I Mm; ire) 

K. ofSidl) .1 ' 
1154 li'" 



[of Poitiers] 

'1136 II4Q 



OeaataBcc 

1136 1163 



Braawl de Chalillon 
Pr. 01 Amioch, 1 1 



Win iay 11 

1166-1189 



Roger III 



</. 1172 



Roger II 
li. ol Apulia 

11 1 1 1 , 



I vs. HI ]. 



( ..-,.. 1 v.. I- 



III MM M 

Emperor 
1190 n. 1 1 in .7 



Kir.l.ll.k V 

li. ..1 Swabia 



Koni. 1. 1 I I 

I). ..1 Swabia 
itoa 11/' 



Otio PHILIP II = Irene, d. of 

C. of Burgundy ElecfrEmperor Izaak II Angelw 

198-1208 1 See Table B) 



Krard II 
1161 1189 



Pr. of Aniioch 
1163 laoi 



Manuel 1 Komnenos 
• Bynntion 
able B) 







k...tK II 


Wll 1 1AM III 


All. mi, II ..1 






K 1 


K .1 S ■ 1 1 . 1 


raranl 




1 1 . 1 11.; 


Pr. <>f 1 u 










■ 










H niv II 








intion 


1 ..Me P) 








she rcn. 





Philip U 

:,.t;»*ror 



Gambia Ml 
* uf Biienne 
Pr, "I 1 Bumnlo 

d. 1205 



. k. of 



[ohn, 

m and 

< • I m: 

Roaunia 

d. 1237 



IiiI.iimI.- de Mont- 
ferrat 
rusalem 
{See Table i>> 



I'lai^ancr- de = B»»he.w»-.d till 







FY. of Aniioch 
1 201 1205 
1208 1 216 
1219-1233 



MeHsende de 
Lusignan. d. of 

Amaury II 
K. of Jerusalem 



C. of Tnpolis 
1187-1200 



i: lj in I II 

Pr. of Aniioch 
1 205- 1 208 
1216 1219 



1. ul ion 



t III! 
■ 

Jaffa 
d. 1247 



[Claude, Q. of = (2) 

Jenu ti< in 
(.W 1 able G) 



John 



iV»99 



Kunigunde 

= Wenzel. K. 

Bohemia 



Eihisa 

- Ferdinand II 

K. of Castile 

(See Table H) 



■ OTTO INI 

Emperor 
1198-1209-121I 



William I 

iwutrun 



li k II = (3) Jchane Plantagenel 
Slopoc MttndJ 

h mperor 
1 198-1220- 1250 
King uf Sicily 

x 108- 1250 

K. of Jerusalem 

1225-1240 

1 ». ot Swabia 

1212-1216 



'(1) Constance, d. of K. 
En Alfonso II 
of Arag6n 



X 



A 



• In the case of Emperors the middle date given is that of 
their imperial coronation ai Koine. 



INNOCENT AND SICILY 93 

the Lord Innocent sent fresh forces under another 
of His uncles, Ottone di Palombara, to help King 
Frederick against Markwald. 

But here a fresh complication arose. Count 
Gaultier de Brienne (who had married Albina, 
daughter of the bastard King Tancred of Sicily) 
arrived out of France; and claimed his father-in- 
law's principality of Taranto and county of Lecce, 
or an equivalent in money. Luchaire 61 quotes 
the French chronicle of Bernard the Treasurer 
to suggest that the Pope had instigated and even 
financed this marriage, and further had financed 
the free-lance for the purpose of attracting a new 
interest to counteract the Germans. But, if this 
be so, Innocent thereby prepared for Himself the 
horns of a dilemma. If He allowed the claim, 
it might seem that He was letting a fair slice of 
His ward's kingdom slip through His fingers: if 
He refused to allow it, He might drive the claim- 
ant into open hostility and incur the accusation 
of denying justice. He took the only course which 
a decent man could take : invested Count Gaultier 
with his fiefs, taking his oath of allegiance to 
King Frederick : trusted him to keep his word ; 
and sent him southward to become one of the chief 
supporters of the prince whom he might have 
dispossessed. Indeed, Count Gaultier 's presence 
in Sicily was indirectly the means of saving the 
boy-king's life : for, later, when Markwald got 

61 Luchaire, Innocent III, Rome et fllalie, p. 178. 



94 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

possession of Frederick, he refrained from killing 
him : such a crime being likely not so much 
to benefit the German, as to assist the not un- 
reasonable claims of Gaultier de Brienne, who 
was a far more formidable antagonist than a boy 
at La Ziza by Palermo, or a Pope in distant 
Rome. The obsolescent Gregorovius, who (in 
his Geschichte der Stadt Rom in Mittel'dlter) never 
by any chance allows any virtuous action on the 
part of the Papacy excepting when teutonically 
inspired, naturally (as one would expect) jumps 
at the opportunity to become feverish concerning 
this instance of Innocent the Third's favour to a 
Frenchman. But surely the facts of the case, 
and the excellent results of His bold and honest 
action, sufficiently clear the Pope from insinuations 
of being disloyal to His trust and no true friend 
of King Frederick of Sicily by His acknowledg- 
ment of the Tancred claim. 

The arrival of the new Count of Lecce was 
also a very serious thing for the wicked Chancellor, 
who had been largely instrumental in getting 
The Kingdom for the Emperor Henry VI, and 
therefore was exposed to the animosity of King 
Tancred's heir ; and he seems to have urged 
Markwald to make his attempt earlier perhaps 
than the latter had intended. Beside the nobles, 
whom, (either by fear or favour) he had attached 
to his cause, Markwald was in conjunction 
with Magaddi the Emir of the Sicilian Saracens. 



INNOCENT AND SICILY 95 

Having got into communication with traitors in 
the palace, he tried to surprise Palermo : but was 
unsuccessful. Nor was he any happier in his 
attempts at a siege : for, on the twentieth day, the 
Archbishop- Admiral of Naples arrived with a fleet ; 
and the pontifical and royal armies made a sortie. 
In the battle which ensued, the Pope's persevering 
pains, in providing the young king with pontifical 
auxiliaries, were amply rewarded. The moral in- 
fluence which the Lord Innocent also exerted, is 
shewn by the fact that the royal troops disdained 
to desert to Markwald on the explicit ground of 
his excommunication. They fought bravely : but, 
time and again, they were broken by the rebels ; 
and had to re-form under cover of the pontifical 
lines. In the end the Germans made a false 
move ; and the pontifical troops who were com- 
paratively fresh, fell upon them, defeating them 
with great slaughter. Markwald fled, leaving the 
Saracen Emir dead on the field. 

Chancellor Walther's gratitude to the army 
which had destroyed his secret hopes could not 
be expected to be overwhelming ; and the Lord 
Innocent Himself was obliged to compensate His 
troops for their losses. These, together with 
arrears of pay and a solid bonus by way of prize 
money, the Pope cheerfully provided : though the 
custom of the time was rather to let the victors 
pay themselves from the plunder of the vanquished. 

Innocent had little leisure in which to con- 



96 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

gratulate Himself upon His success, for Markwald 
recovered from his defeat with amazing rapidity. 
But Count Gaultier of Lecce returned from France, 
where he had been recruiting a small but carefully 
selected force, in the very nick of time. Markwald 
and his accomplice the Chancellor at last had 
quarrelled. Each accused the other of aspiring 
to the crown. The layman being the stronger, 
the clerk fled into Calabria ; and began to skin 
that unhappy province in his most approved 
Sicilian style, in order to raise funds for opera- 
tions against his former confederate, to whom he 
was obliged to abandon the custody of the young 
king's person in the castle of Ziza, about half a 
mile from the gates of Palermo. By crossing 
the Pharos, 62 however, Chancellor Walther came 
more immediately under the notice of the Pope. 
Definite evidence was soon forthcoming against 
him ; and the Lord Innocent instantly stripped 
him of office, and blighted him with the Great 
Ban. The Markwaldine faction then suffered 
defeat in the person of Diopold of Acerra outside 
the gates of Capua. The Germans fled into Apulia, 
whither they were followed by the Cardinal- Legate 
Peter who raised the country upon them. The 
ex-chancellor now tried to make peace, with the 

62 The Pharos is the political name in Sicilian History for the 
Straits of Messina, a body of water which, although it has always 
divided (and still does divide) nations as widely different as those 
separated by the Straits of Dover, the inhabitants of those parts 
have ever affected to consider a mere river. 



INNOCENT AND SICILY 97 

Pope ; but was unable to stomach the necessarily 
concomitant friendship with Count Gaultier de 
Brienne. He therefore fled to Diopold. Together 
they rallied their men and made a great attack 
upon the pontifical forces near Barletta, vi Oct. 
1 201, where they were most signally defeated. 
In Sept. 1202, Markwald suddenly died, and 
though one Capparone seized Palermo, and tried 
to play the part of von Anweiler, the strain which 
the struggle with the latter had placed upon the 
resources and attention of the Pontiff was mate- 
rially lessened. During the last months of his 
life, beside possessing the young king's person, 
Markwald had been almost absolute in Sicily : 
but most of his adherents deserted the new tyrant 
and joined the Pope, Who (by pressing on a 
scheme for marrying King Frederick to Costanza 
of Aragon, daughter of King En Alfonso I) got 
extra military assistance from that country to help 
in the recognition of Sicily. 

The temporary illness of the Lord Innocent 
caused rumours of His death to spread; and this 
curiously augmented the tedious disorders in The 
Kingdom. The Pisans mischievously interfered 
there, until checked by a pontifical remonstrance 
addressed to their government with which for 
some reason they complied. The ex-chancellor 
at length contrived to be reconciled ; and, though 
the Pope did not reinstate him in his lost see, 
he did good service for the king. The Count of 

G 



98 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Lecce went on with his pacification of the south, 
until Diopold of Acerra killed him in the castle 
of Sarno near Vesuvius, June 1205. Now that his 
adversary was removed, Diopold also manoeuvred 
for reconciliation with the Church. This was 
accorded, and the Pope sent the penitent Count 
straight to Palermo to persuade the usurper Cap- 
parone to give up the king and the palace to 
the legates. This done the Pope Himself wrote 
to the Sicilian barons, stating that, the king being 
in the hands of friends and guided by lawful 
wardens, there was no further excuse for the 
lawlessness which hitherto might have been palli- 
ated while there was no fixed government in the 
country. 

Although affairs were still much disturbed, the 
great offenders had been crushed : so that, when 
King Frederick came to his own, at the age of 
fourteen in 1208, he found that what elements 
of order existed in his kingdom were due to the 
Lord Innocent. The Emperor Otto's subsequent 
invasion of a kingdom ] to which he had no claim, 
and one just recovering from the long anarchy of 
its sovereign's minority, together with Frederick's 
coronation as King of Germany at Aachen, are 
treated elsewhere. 

It has been said that Pope Innocent was not 
over-successful in His tutorship of Sicily : but it 
should be remembered that it occupied nearly 
the whole of the time of no less a man than the 



INNOCENT AND SICILY 99 

Emperor Frederick II Stupor Mundi to reduce 
The Kingdom to order, and that he was on the 
spot and completely ruthless, while the Pope 
was in Rome, ill served by timid legates — and a 
Christian Bishop rather than a man of war. It 
is quite safe to say that it is entirely due to the 
Lord Innocent that the young king lived to grow 
up, and that he still found a kingdom existing at 
all when he came to an age to deal with it. 

LOFC 



CHAPTER VI 

CONCERNING INNOCENT THE THIRD AND 
ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 

Tests of Innocent's character — general pontifical duties — Innocent's 
particular duty — What was Innocent? — Bishop of the Catholic 
Church — Albigensian Nonconformity — Condemned by Councils 
1 163, 1 165, 1 166 — 1 167, Burgundian dissenters burned — 1169, 
Lateran Council — 1181, Dissenters harried— 1 195, Council of 
Montpensier — Corruption of Church in France — 1196, Count 
Raymond VI of Toulouse — Albigensians the aggressors — 1198, 
Innocent names commissioners — Authorities — Names of the 
Sects — Disunion in Dissent — " Eidola Fori" — Abbot of Mar- 
gare's description — Examination of the same — Waldensian 
tenets — Albigensian tenets — Constitution of the sect — Analysis 
of Albigensianism — Innocent's action — Appointment of two 
legates — Opposition of bishops — May 1204, Bill Etsi Nostra 
Navicola — Appointment of third legate — Legates depose bad 
bishops — Invention of Domingo de Guzman — Dominican Order 
— Count of Toulouse excommunicates — Jan. 1208, murder of 
the legate Pierre — Innocent anticipates Bera and Calvin — Re- 
conciliation of Count Raymond — First Albigensian Crusade — 
Leading Crusaders — Leading Albigensians — Simon III I deM ont- 
fort— Nov. 1209, Massacre of Beziers — Second excommunication 
of Count Raymond — 12 10, personal ambitions of Crusaders — 
Albigensians not annihilated but exasperated — Second Albigen- 
sian Crusade — Personal hatred of Count Raymond and Count 
Simon — Mutual atrocities — 1212, Innocent reproves Count Simon 
— Bill of Crusade revoked — Jan. 1213, Council of Lavaur — Count 
Raymond humbled — Rise of Simon de Montfort — Count Ray- 
mond pleads in Rome — Is deposed by Lateran Council — 
Pensioned — Jan. 12 15, Council of Montpellier — Extinction of 
Albigensian rebellion — Summary 

Some writers consider that the verdict of history 
upon the character of Pope Innocent the Third 
should be given in regard to His general govern- 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 101 

merit of the Church. Others think that the crux 
of His time was the imperial succession, or per- 
haps the Fourth Crusade : while yet a third class 
would not emphasize any one point, or series of 
points, but rather rely on the acts of the whole 
reign. It is possible, however, in emphasizing 
nothing, to fail of due appreciation of some flash 
of genius stamping the subject as the possessor 
of a great mind or of a masterful character. It 
is equally possible, on the other hand, in laying 
stress upon any one action or particular train of 
policy, that what really was routine work may 
be picked out for praise, and that an original 
treatment of a case may be overlooked in favour 
of some stroke which is rather the result of the 
steady methodical plodding of a permanent under- 
secretary than of a great leader's inspiration to 
seize the right opportunity. After giving due 
consideration to the several claims of The Empire, 
of England, of the East, or of Rome, to be the 
touchstone which should prove the true metal of 
the Lord Innocent, it is clearly apparent that 
these are not the only things to which one must 
look for the solution of the question of the great 
Conti Pope's status. We must go further afield 
before we can decide whether Innocent shall shine 
with the corona of a sun like Hildebrand, or 
whether He shall be considered a moon of the 
magnitude of the last Borgia, the Barberini, and 
the Pecci, Who (speaking politically) fill the 



102 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

second category of pontifical greatness. The 
Lord Innocent's predecessors had had to cope 
with the blustering of truculent or cringing 
Caesars, the indignatiunculae of mulierose kings, 
the trade-unionism of barons, the venality of 
bishops, and the riots of the Romans : there was 
ample precedent ready to hand for a Pope who 
had to deal with selections from this list in every 
year of His reign ; and there were hosts of 
curial officials whose experience was at His dis- 
posal. The pontificate itself was not particularly 
in need of a reformer : it had been raised out of 
the slough of despond wherein it had wallowed 
when it was no more than an ecclesiastical agency 
of the German Emperors : it had not yet sunk 
into the sanctimonious profligacy of Avignon 
during the " Babylonish Captivity." And the Holy 
Father Himself had several better things to do 
than to caper at the college of cardinals or 
" bibere papaliter" There was, in short, no very 
particularly Augean stable on the Celian Hill in 
which the Lord Innocent might play the part of 
Herakles. 

But in the Toulousain of southern France there 
was that which needed unique and most meticu- 
lous treatment — the Albigeois was infected with 
a heresy which was as a peccant humour in the 
body of the Catholic Church. And the jury of 
history should be swayed, in pronouncing its 
verdict upon the Lord Innocent, by a considera- 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 103 

tion of His treatment of the Albigensians not less 
than by the evidence adduced in regard to His 
other activities. 

Was He a blood-bibbing butcher, Who urged 
on His minions of the Inquisition to slaughter, 
torment, outrage, peaceful nonconformists who dis- 
dained the doctrines of a bloated corrupt opulent 
Erastian Establishment? Was He the sagacious 
shepherd Who cut out from His healthy flock 
the hopelessly diseased sheep, whose contagion 
threatened wholesale disaster ? Or was He merely 
the man in authority, the philosophic ruler, acting 
impersonally for the greatest good of the greatest 
number ? 

As Bishop of The Catholic Church, the Lord 
Innocent was certainly responsible for Her in- 
tegrity : in the maintenance of which He had 
certain rules to guide Him. We may or may not 
approve of these rules — we may or may not inter- 
pret them all alike : — but rules as plainly uncom- 
promising as "He who is not with Me is against 
Me" (if we are not to close our ears and neglect 
them) do not admit of diverse interpretations. 

The Albigensian heresy was not of very recent 
growth. It had been mentioned, and more or 
less automatically anathematized, by the provincial 
councils (which were little more than diocesan 
synods) of Lombers 1165 and Capestrang 1166. 
The fourth Canon of the Council of Tours 1163 
stated that " A damnable heresy has for some 



104 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

time existed in the Toulousain, whence it has 
spread little by little over Gascony and other pro- 
vinces. We therefore command, on pain of ex- 
communication, all bishops and clergy of those 
provinces to turn their whole attention to this 
matter, and prevent any man from giving shelter 
to the heretics, or from dealing with them. 
Catholic princes are commanded to imprison them, 
and are permitted to confiscate their property." 
This canon remained practically a dead letter in 
the south : but some dissenters were burned in 
Burgundy in 1167. The sects were again noticed 
at the Lateran Council in 1169. In 1181 the 
Cardinal-bishop of Albano used an armed force for 
summary dealings with certain recusants. In 1 195 
the council of Montpensier sought out and re- 
enacted all sentences of excommunication against 
the sectaries : which perhaps was not very much 
to the point, as they had ceased of their own accord 
to commune with the Church for some time past. 

It is not for a moment pretended that there 
never was a time in the history of Christianity 
when there was no cause for protest. In Innocent 
the Third's day, the Church in the south of France 
had fallen upon fairly evil times : in one sense its 
grossness, worldliness, and lethargy had caused 
heresy ; and in another sense the heresy had ill- 
affected it. The Archbishop of Narbonne, for 
example, (bastard of Count Raymond Berenger 
of Barcelona) held the bishopric also of Lerida, 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 105 

beside the abbey of Montaragon where he lived. 
This prelate had not visited his archdiocese for 
thirteen years ; and amassed riches by the sale 
of the sacrament of Orders, benefices, and dispen- 
sations. His clergy were corrupt pluralists, of a 
low standard of learning, who wore secular clothes, 
followed secular professions, and openly lived with 
wives. The archbishop himself habitually sheltered 
robbers and brigands in return for a share of their 
plunder ; and also countenanced (if he did not 
personally practise) open usury. In the south of 
France, west of Rhone, the clergy shared with 
Jews the contempt of the laity : no clerk could 
stir abroad until his tonsure was grown over ; and 
bishops, when they troubled at all about the matter, 
were hard put to it to find candidates for ordina- 
tion. While the Church was in this condition it 
was not strange to find that many of the nobles 
inclined to secession, and that members of the 
sects (in consequence) contrived to gain exemp- 
tions from feudal dues. The latter also were the 
beneficiaries of frequent legacies ; and, in spite of 
their so-called predilection for simplicity, were often 
wealthy. The power of the Church actually was 
so undermined by the prevalence of materialism 
that bishops were unable to prevent heresiarchs 
from preaching in public, e.g. Sicard, in the castle 
of Lombers, whom the bishop of Albi was power- 
less to silence. Neither could the episcopacy 
collect the tithes whereon it lived : Bishop Fulcrand 



106 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

of Toulouse was reduced to such penury that he 
had to beg for an allowance from his chapter. 
Many of the southern princes were secret or 
avowed opponents of the Church : Count Raymond 
VI of Toulouse was excommunicated in 1196 for 
his atrocious conduct towards the abbey of St. 
Gilles : the tutor of Viscount Raymond-Roger 
of Carcassonne and Beziers (one Bertrand de 
Saissac) was the dissenter who (1197) burned the 
Abbey of Alet (because of a displeasing election), 
flung the elect-abbot into prison and posted the 
dead one on a throne until one of his own creatures 
had been chosen, the opposition having been 
meticulously massacred ; and the result was that 
the young viscount was afterwards known to take 
part in the nonconformist ceremony of Adoration. 

Unfortunately it cannot be maintained that the 
Albigensians were simple unworldly folk, who only 
desired liberty of conscience for themselves : on the 
contrary (like their archetypes and ectypes in all 
ages) they proved themselves to be — when the 
opportunity came — as prone to aggressive perse- 
cution as any passive resister. There were horrible 
scenes of violence at the disputed elections for the 
see of Toulouse in 1202 : the lawful bishop was 
hounded out of the city, and the canons constrained 
by threats or actuality of torment to revoke the 
election. 

Such then was the condition in which the Lord 
Innocent found the south of France : the Church 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 107 

hopelessly discredited, the nobles hostile, the 
bishops powerless or profligate, the country 
honeycombed with heterodoxy and creeping with 
brigands. 

On i April 1198, in answer to the piteous appeals 
of the Archbishop of Auch, the Pope named two 
Cistercians, Guy and Renier, to examine the case 
of the Valdenses, Cathari and Patarini. In under- 
taking this task He was guided by the canon of 
the Lateran Council of 11 79, which decrees that 
"although the Church, according to the words of 
St. Leo, contents Herself with a sacerdotal judg- 
ment and does not employ sanguinary executions, 
nevertheless She is assisted by the laws of princes, 
in order that the fear of a temporal punishment 
may compel men to have recourse to spiritual 
remedies." He then waited for reports, after His 
manner ; and accumulated evidence, as to the 
condition of the Church and the progress of 
nonconformity. 

A fair idea of the matter which He had to 
consider and to judge, may, perhaps, be gained 
from a study of the Histoire Ginirale de Languedoc 
of Devic and Vaissete, O.S.B. : Bibliotheca Patrum 
op. Bemardi Abb. Foniiscaldensis : Acta Concili- 
orum : Mabillon's Vetera Analecta, torn, iii, and 
Limborch's History of the Inquisition, which quotes 
the original records of the heresy trials. 

First, it may be said that there is much con- 
fusion as to the exact nomenclature of the various 



108 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

sects concerned. It is quite a mistake to pretend 
to suppose (for ends adscititious or otherwise) that 
there was anything like unity in dissent in the 
Thirteenth Century any more than there is in the 
Twentieth. When once the absurd principle of 
private judgment (which no one dreams of exer- 
cising in matters best left to experts) is practised 
in regard to religion, infinite differentiation inevit- 
ably follows. The Lord Innocent's commissioners 
were confronted with two main sects : the members 
of which professed singularly various beliefs ; and 
hence it is no wonder that completely different sets 
of dogmas should be continually confused together. 
We find the nonconformists described as Publicians, 
Poplicani, Petrobrusians, Paulicians, Leonistae, 
Sabatati, Henricians, Bulgarians, Boulgres, Arians, 
Manichaeans, Poor Men of Lyons, Cathari, Patarini, 
Waldenses, and Albigenses. It seems as though 
the writers of the period were thoroughly infected 
with Francis Bacon's Eidola Fori, — the strange 
power of words and phrases over the mind — and 
were anxious to display their knowledge of at least 
the denominations of different heresies, and to label 
incoherent jumbles of blasphemies with names 
which, (when first used meant something definite, 
but) in their later application were the merest tags. 
Prelates and councils not unfrequently had the un- 
common sense to place themselves on the safe side 
by describing dissenters as "heretics" tout court. 
This is the case in the preamble to the canons of 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 109 

the Council of Tours, 1163; 63 and in the fourth 
canon thereof it is written '■ A damnable heresy has 
existed." The Council of Lombers, 1163, stated 
"In reply to the Interrogation of the Lord Bishop 
of Lodeve, Olivier and his companions, selected 
heretics, denied the Old Testament and asserted 
the efficacy only of the New. They offered to 
prove from the gospels and epistles that the said 
Lord Bishop was an infidel and blasphemer, and 
that all the other prelates present were hirelings 
and no true shepherds." 64 The Burgundians, who 
were burned in 1167, were called Poplicani; and 
twelve years later the Lateran Council of 11 79 
anathematized Cathari, Patarini, and Poplicani. 65 
The Council of Montpensier in 1195 was still un- 
decided as to the exact designation : but made 
up for its ignorance with a zealous damnation of 
"blasphemous heretics." The Premonstratensian 
Abbot,' Bernard of Fontcaude, naively writes 
" Contra Valdenses et Arianos." Two years later, in 
1 197, King En Peyre II of Aragon published an 
edict against the Valdenses, or Sabatati : while, as 
we have seen, the Lord Innocent in 1198 named 
Cistercian Inquisitors to deal with Waldenses, 
Cathari, or Patarini. 66 

As for the information which was submitted to 
the Pope, the Abbot of Margare wrote : " These 

63 Acta Conciliorum, XXI p. 1176. 

64 Hist. Langtiedoc, Vol. VI Ed. 1879. 

65 Acta Conciliorum, XXII p. 232. 
6S Breve of i Apr. n 98. 



no INNOCENT THE GREAT 

false prophets pretend to lead an apostolic life 
and to imitate the Apostles. They preach un- 
ceasingly, walk barefoot, pray kneeling seven 
times by day and as often by night. They will 
not take money from any man. They eat no 
meat, drink no wine, and content themselves with 
a plain diet. They say that charity availeth 
nothing : because no man should possess anything. 
They refuse to communicate, pretending that the 
Mass is a vain form {inutile) ; and protest that 
they are ready to die or suffer the utmost penalty 
for their belief. They make pretence of working 
miracles." 67 

Even from Pope Innocent's point of view there 
does not seem to have been anything violently 
objectionable in the tenets described by the Abbot 
of Margare, excepting of course the denial of the 
efficacy of the Mass and Holy Communion ; and 
that, no doubt, must have been a misconception 
on the part of the Lord Abbot. People who 
have so far got hold of the apostolic spirit, as 
those described in the foregoing quotation, could 
not possibly have missed such an important item 
as this means of grace. But it is extremely likely 
that the backsliders in question made the not 
uncommon mistake of visiting upon the Church 
Universal their indignation at the enormities of 
particular clergy, whose ministrations they con- 
sequently (and quite erroneously) disdained to 

67 Mabillon. Vetera Analecta, vol. iii. 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM in 

accept. Of course the fact remains that these 
people undeniably were guilty of " stasis " in 
forming a little creed and a little society of their 
own : but is it conceivable for a single instant 
that a Pontiff Who was enlightened enough to 
include so very unusual and " methodistical " a 
person as Blessed Brother Francis of Assisi, his 
preaching, his praying, his professional penury, 
his plain diet, within the Fold, should have ex- 
pelled the Abbot of Margare's enthusiasts solely 
on the counts named. Lord Macaulay has said 
all that is necessary to be said on the subject of 
the Catholic Church's catholicity in dealing with 
human idiosyncrasies. 

The Waldenses, however, would seem to have 
arrived at a far sharper line of cleavage. Their 
tenets at the time were mainly as follows : — 

I. They were not subject to the Roman 
Pontiff, or to the prelates of the Church of 
Rome. They could not be excommunicated by 
any of these. They ought not to obey the 
Pope when He ordered them to abjure their 
sect. The Church of Rome sinned in perse- 
cuting them. 68 

II. The prelates of the Church of Rome were 
blind leaders of the blind, and did not preserve 
the truth of the Gospel or imitate Apostolic 
poverty. 

68 Limborch. Hist. Inq. Bk. I, chap. viii. Sentence on Hugette 
de Vismes. 



ii2 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

III. The Church of Rome was a house of lies. 

IV. Oaths are unlawful. 

V. Confession to a priest is useless. 

VI. All judgment is forbidden by God ; and it 
is a sin for a man to condemn a fellow-man to 
death or punishment in any case or for any cause 
whatever. 

VII. Laymen and women have the right to 
preach the Gospel. 

VIII. The prayers of the faithful and other 
good works are of no avail to the dead. 

IX. There is no Purgatory after death, 69 this 
life being the only Purgatory. 

X. The soul on leaving the body, goes straight 
to Paradise, or Hell. 

Here, perhaps, we come to something a little 
more precise. Beside the categorical attack on 
certain definite dogmas of the Catholic Church 
(which it is not proposed to minimise or even to 
defend in these pages,) it ought not to escape 
observation that the Waldensian denial, of the 
right to punish crime, simply contemplated such a 
state of anarchy as is contrary to all sane ideals 
of good government, and as such could not fail 
of condemnation by lawful authority. 

The creed of the Albigensians, as far as it 
can be traced, contained far more numerous ele- 
ments to which exception might be taken by 

69 Biblioth. Patrum. Op. Bernard Fontiscaldensis. Contra Val- 
denses et Arianos. 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 113 

unprejudiced political economists of any period. 
Their most important tenets were as follows : — 

I. There are two Churches, the one merciful — 
the Albigensian Church of Christ, which retains 
that faith within which every one is saved and 
without which no one can be saved : the other — 
the merciless Church of Rome, which is the 
Mother of Fornication, the Temple of the Devil, 
the Synagogue of Satan, within which every one 
is irretrievably damned. 

II. There are two Gods: the One Good, the 
other evil. The evil god is the Devil and 
Satan : who created the Old Testament and all 
things visible and corporeal, and is the god, 
maker and prince of this world : the Good God 
is the Creator of all things invisible and incor- 
poreal. 70 

III. All the Sacraments of the Catholic Church 
are vain and unprofitable : excepting Penance and 
Confirmation. 

IV. There is no Real Presence in the Sacrifice 
of the Mass. 

V. Orders are vain ; and priests of the Catholic 
Church have no power to bind or loose. 71 

VI. Extreme Unction is of no avail ; and signi- 
fies nothing. 

VII. Confession to a priest is useless, as the 
Good God only can forgive sins : but the Perfecti 

70 Hist. Inq. Sentence on Petrus Auterius. 

71 lb. Sentence on Stephana. 

H 



ii 4 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

of the sect, by the imposition of hands 72 and the 
Gospel Book, can absolve from all sin people 
who join the Albigensian community : — this was 
called the ConsoZamentum.™ 

VIII. It is impossible for God to have become 
Incarnate because He never humbled Himself so 
greatly as to put Himself in the womb of a 
woman : He did not take a real human body of 
flesh of our nature, nor do other things relating 
to our salvation in it, nor rise from the dead, 
nor sit down at the Right Hand of the Father 
with it, but only with the semblance of it. 

IX. Baptism in water is of no avail to children, 
because they are so far from consenting to it that 
many even weep during the ceremony. 74 

X. Matrimony is always sinful, and was never 
appointed by the Good God : carnal matrimony 
between man and woman is not true matrimony, 
nor is it permitted. 

XI. The Blessed Virgin Mary neither is nor 
was carnal woman ; but was and is the Albi- 
gensian Church, which is true Penance. 

72 This imposition of hands was one of the principal features 
of the ceremony of Heretication of which one hears so much 
at this time. The trial of Benedictus Molineri (Limborch) 
affords an example of this rite in the case of a sick person. 
" Bernard de Goch held the hands of the sick person between 
his own and held a certain book over him in which he read the 
Gospel of St. John 'In the beginning was the Word &c. ' and 
delivered to him a fine thread with which he was to be bound for 
Heresy." 

73 Hist. Inq. Sentence on Bernard de Goch. 

74 lb. Sentence on Petrus Raymondus Dominicus. 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 115 

XII. There is no resurrection of the body, but 
there is a resurrection of the spiritual body and 
inner man. 

XIII. The spiritual body has bones and flesh 
and members ; and the wicked are going to be 
tormented, in these spiritual bodies, by being 
dashed by devils against cliffs and rocks. 

XIV. Souls are spirits banished from heaven 
because of their sins. 

XV. All oaths are sinful. 75 

XVI. Meat, eggs, must not be eaten, but only 
fish and oil. 76 

XVII. The Cross is a detestable emblem of the 
Devil, and no man should adore it. 77 

XVIII. Carnal intercourse with women is for- 
bidden : married persons are compelled to divorce 
on joining the Albigensian community. 

XIX. The Endura (or fasting to death) was 
encouraged, and might be accelerated by phle- 
botomy or the use of poison. 78 

Devic and Vaissete inform us that the sect 
was divided into the Perfecti and Credentes : but 
a later development appears, when an Albigensi- 

75 Hist. Inq. Sentence on Huguette de Vismes. 

76 Hist. Lan. Sentence on the Viscount Raymond Roger. 

77 The argument adduced by the Heretics was that no man 
worshipped the gallows upon which his father had been hanged : 
forgetful, apparently, of those fundamental differences between the 
actuality and the simile which cannot fail to strike the unbiassed 
observer. 

78 Hist. Inq. Sentence on Bernard de Goch, and cf. Conybeare, 
Key of Truth," App. vi. 



n6 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

arch arose in the person of one Niquinta, who 
appointed Bernard Raymond as " bishop (sic) of 
Toulouse," with other episcopuli over divers 
" dioceses " (sic) of which the extent was to 
coincide with that of the Catholic dioceses. 

This singular gallimaufry contains several items 
on which (even among Christians at the present 
date) there is not an universal consensus of 
opinion, e.g. the Real Presence, Sacerdotal 
Authority, Extreme Unction, Holy Order, the 
Incarnation, the Resurrection, the Sign of the 
Cross, and the Precise Epithets which are Appli- 
cable to the Church of Rome. Others, again, 
will easily be perceived to be the merest echoes 
of heresies which were already obsolete in the 
Thirteenth Century : for example — of flagrant 
Manichaeism in the clause regarding the duality 
of the Deity, of Montanism in the singularly im- 
moral regulations relating to matrimony. Others 
again, such as the doctrines on Baptism, on 
Oaths, and Vegetarianism, are a curious antici- 
pation of more modern shatterpated infatuations. 
But what can we say of such incoherent and 
phantastic nonsense as the articles dealing with 
the Blessed Virgin, the physical nature of spiritual 
bodies, the lapidatory proclivities of fiends in a 
future state, or the article legalizing lingering 
suicide ? These may perhaps commend them- 
selves to misogynists, unimaginative realists, com- 
petitors for the office of curator of the damned, 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 117 

or euthanasiastic fakirs, but not to more en- 
lightened races, who have learned chivalry to- 
wards women, who pursue science with an open 
mind, and practise sober and decent methods of 
living and dying. 

After weighing the evidence, and some corre- 
spondence with the Kings of France and Aragon, 
the Lord Innocent realized that He was face to 
face with what was quite as much a social as a 
religious heresy of the most virulent kind. At 
the same time He was by no means unaware that 
the mote in the eye of the Church needed con- 
siderable attention. This important consideration 
perhaps explains the vigour with which He pro- 
ceeded to purge the Church in the infected district 
of worthless clerks and prelates, and to eradicate 
the heresy. In 1204 Pierre de Castelnau, Arch- 
deacon of Maguelonne, and Cardinal Raoul, ex- 
archdeacon and Bishop of Arras, were appointed 
legates in a Bull depriving all the bishops of the 
place of their spiritual authority, and vesting the 
same in the legates. This was the first step toward 
the formation of the Congregation of the Holy 
Office of Inquisition. The deposed prelates, includ- 
ing of course the scandalous Archbishop Berenger 
of Narbonne, bitterly complained. The Pope 
replied in a second Bull, Etsi Nostra Navicula of 
xxx May 1204, rebuking the complainants and 
their clergy for the slack and disgraceful condition 
into which they had allowed themselves, their 



u8 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

dioceses, and their parishes to fall ; and Abbot 
Arnaud Amaury of Citeaux was added, as co-legate, 
to strengthen the hands of the other two. The 
legates, having received special powers to this 
end, deposed the bishop of Beziers, and (soon 
after) the intruded bishop of Toulouse. Count 
Raymond of that city now swore to assist 
the legates by expelling the recusants from his 
territory. 

Just at this time a new element was introduced 
into the pontifical policy in the person of Domingo 
de Guzman, a Spanish priest, who proposed to 
Bishop Diego Azebez of Osma a somewhat novel 
method of treating the difficulty. His proposal 
was to pervade the country barefoot, to carry 
neither gold nor silver, and to preach in the 
manner of the apostles. The bishop enthusiasti- 
cally welcomed the idea on account of its simplicity, 
which undoubtedly would impress such persons 
who were goaded into dissent by the too worldly 
pomp of prelates. He himself took the leadership 
of the movement which was speedily joined by 
two of the legates, Pierre de Castelnau and the 
Abbot of Citeaux. Innocent the Third, on His 
part, lost no time in approving their zeal. Domingo 
and his quickly-growing band swore to defend the 
doctrine of the Church with their lives against all 
heretics, and to place themselves under the direc- 
tion of the Pope in His capacity as Vicar of Christ, 
and the first mendicant Order went forth to win, 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 119 

by the excellence of service, formal approval and 
a regular constitution. 79 

The Count of Toulouse (whom the Monk of 
Cernay calls " peccatorum omnium apotheca ") 
did not continue to give satisfaction. Pierre de 
Castelnau appears to have been of a somewhat 
fiery temper ; and, when he found Raymond half- 
hearted against the heretics, sheltering as many 
as he expelled, he at once excommunicated him 
and reported very fully upon his case to Rome. 
The Pope wrote severely to the misdemeanant, 
who was induced to surrender to the legate. But 
another disagreement followed ; and the Count 
threatened his opponent's life. It was the case 
of King Henry Fitzempress and Archbishop Beket 
over again. Some partisans of Raymond murdered 
the legate on the banks of Rhone, xv Jan. 1208. 
Every one assumed Count Raymond's guilt. He 
most strenuously denied it. The Pope excom- 
municated the murderers : wrote to the King of 
France, urging him to attack the Count ; and, 
anticipating the thesis of Beza, De hereticis a 
magistratu civili puniendis, and that of Calvin, 
Jure gladii coercendos esse kereticos, ordered a 
Crusade against the Albigensians. This was a 
novel proceeding : hitherto the name of Crusade 
had been confined to expeditions toward Jerusalem. 

79 A pun on the name of the founder designated the Dominican 
Order "The Dogs of the Lord" (Domini Canes) for the hunting of 
heretics. 



120 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Count Raymond appealed in haste to the Pope ; 
and offered to accept conditions : he even went 
to Rome to plead his case. The Lord Innocent, 
however, insisted upon an examination of the 
whole affair by a commission. His Holiness 
appointed the Apostolic Prothonotary Milon and 
Canon Thedisius of Genoa, as legates : for He 
wished to be fair, knowing very well that the 
excommunicate Count and the Abbot of Citeaux 
were not on the best of terms. The affair ended 
at the Council of Montelimar, when Raymond 
renewed his obedience, and handed over seven 
castles as surety. He was then formally ab- 
solved and shortly afterwards took the Cross 
against the heretics. 

The suppression of Albigensian Nonconformity 
was by no means a massacre of inoffensive unre- 
sisting religious maniacs. It was rather a fierce 
campaign of extermination against a foe which 
was well armed, led by famous warriors, possessed 
of strong castles and wealthy towns, commanding 
vast resources, and polluted with the guilt of 
unspeakable atrocities. 

"At Pamiers the Frenchmen of Raymond- 
Roger, Count of Foix, cut one of the Canons of 
the Abbey of Saint Antonin to pieces and gouged 
out the eyes of another monk of the same place. 
The count came along soon afterwards with his 
knights, buffoons, and courtiers, shut up the 
abbot and his monks in the church where he 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 121 

permitted them to fast for three days and finally 
drove them, nearly naked, from the confines of 
their native city." 80 

Among the leaders who took part in the first 
Crusade against the Albigensians, were Duke 
Eudes III of Burgundy, Pierre de Courtenay 
Count of Nevers, afterwards Emperor of Romania, 
Simon de Montfort Earl of Leicester afterwards 
Count of Toulouse, Guillaume des Roches, Sene- 
schal of Anjou, Count Guillaume of Ponthieu, 
Guy Lord of Beaujeu, Enguerraud de Coucy, the 
Archbishops Gerard de Cros of Bourges, Pierre 
de Corbeil of Sens, Robert Poulain of Rouen, 
the Bishops Gautier II of Autun, Jourdain du 
Hommet of Lisieux, Robert d'Auvergne of Cler- 
mont, the English Henry of Bayeux, and Reginald 
de Bar of Chartres. 

The leaders of the heretics were the Viscount 
Raymond- Roger of B^ziers and Carcassonne, (son 
of that Roger II who sacked the abbey of St. 
Pons de Tomieres (1171), and imprisoned the 
Bishop of Albi, giving him heretics as gaolers,) 
Viscount Gaston VI of Beam, Count Bernard III I 
of Comminges, Count Raymond-Roger of Foix, 
and Count Gerold 1 1 II of Armagnac. 

The Crusaders elected Simon de Montfort Earl 
of Leicester as their leader, and at once took 
the offensive against Carcassonne, which was 
regarded as a nest of the nonconformists. The 

80 Luchaire. Innocent I//., la croisade des Albigeois, p. 25. 



i22 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

city was taken ; and the Earl of Leicester elected 
to succeed Viscount Raymond- Roger, who was 
straitly confined in one of the strongest towers, 
where he died shortly afterwards. Beziers fell 
next ; and, despite the pleading of the Bishop, 
(whose predecessor Bishop Guillaume Ill's teeth 
had been beaten down his throat by his own 
subjects, so that he died, Mar. 1 167), was the 
scene of a most fearful 'massacre, x Nov. 1209. 
The Albigensians opposed a furious resistance ; 
and were treated with unmitigated severity. 
Count Raymond again fell foul of the legates, 
by reason of his unwillingness to exterminate his 
own subjects of Toulouse, and his refusal to re- 
store the property of the Bishop of Carpentras ; 
and, in consequence, he once more came under 
the ban of excommunication. 

The year 12 10 was spent in fruitless negotia- 
tions between the King of Aragon and Simon 
de Montfort, who wished to secure recognition of 
his new lordship of Carcassonne and Beziers. 
The political and secular element of personal 
ambition was already beginning to appear, to 
the infinite detriment of the Crusade. King 
En Peyre was opposed to Simon de Montfort; 
and seems to have assisted the Count of Toulouse 
against him. Matters indeed were in a very 
unsatisfactory state. The first Crusade which 
had been much hampered by the observance of 
the feudal forty-day limit for military service by 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 123 

many of the lords, seemed to have done more to 
exasperate the Albigensians than to annihilate 
them. 

The Pope, therefore, proclaimed a second 
Crusade, gathering forces from far and near 
under Duke Leopold VI of Austria, Duke Theo- 
bald of Bar, the Count of Auxerre, the Count 
of Kleve, the Count of Jlilich, the Count of 
Berg, the Bishops of Paris, Lisieux, Bayeux, 
Toul and Loudun, with Simon de Montfort as 
commander in chief. The siege of Lavaur was at 
once attempted. At first, Count Raymond would 
neither fight the Crusaders nor pursue the Albi- 
gensians. After the fall of Lavaur, however, 
when the most revolting cruelties were perpe- 
trated on both sides, the great personal hatred 
for each other (displayed by the rival leaders) 
then blazed forth. Count Raymond was exas- 
perated beyond measure at the way in which 
Simon de Montfort slaughtered his subjects, 
pillaged his villages, and devastated his crops 
and vines. He took the field, and besieged 
Carcassonne : but, when defeated, was able to 
retire under cover of his allies, the counts of 
Foix and Comminges. He then appealed to 
King En Peyre for help, both in men against de 
Montfort, and in representations on his behalf to 
the court of Rome. The war, by this time, had 
degenerated into a personal struggle between the 
two chiefs ; and only partook of the nature of a 



i2 4 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Crusade when some more than usually revolting 
act of cruelty was achieved by one side or the 
other. In May 121 1, eighty-one Albigensian 
knights were hanged by the crusaders : who also 
tossed the Lady Giraude of Lavaur into a well ; 
and burned sixty select sectarians at Casse near 
Castelnaudary, after having had them preached 
at by bishops. On the other hand, Gaston de 
Beam had profaned The Host and unmention- 
ably desecrated the cathedral of Oloron : in 1178 
the Albigensians had stoned Catholics in Toulouse 
streets and, later, used the high altar of a church 
as a public convenience. 

The Pope perceived the true state of things : 
for, between September and December 12 12, He 
wrote to Simon de Montfort (who had just been 
making ordinances for the peaceful administra- 
tion of the scarcely pacified country at the Council 
of Pamiers), sternly rebuking him for following 
his own interests under cover of the Crusade. 
The Lord Innocent also wrote to the Archbishop 
of Narbonne to say that (in His opinion) the 
heresy was now well under control, and that the 
services of the Crusaders were required more 
against the Moors in Spain than against the 
miserable remnant of the Albigensians. This 
epistle practically revoked the Bull which com- 
missioned the Crusade. 

The Council of Lavaur, Jan. 12 13, tried to 
make a definite peace with Count Raymond, who, 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 125 

they complained, was not to be bound by oaths : 
but he, expecting help from the King of Aragon 
against Simon, refused to fetter himself. The 
help came, and with it King En Peyre. The 
Earl of Leicester, however, by prodigies of valour, 
defeated the allies at the battle of Muret, where 
the King of Aragon was killed. The only claim 
(to belong to a Crusade) which this battle can 
have, is that the legate, Cardinal Robert Curson, 
made peace after it, and that one of the con- 
ditions to which the defeated Raymond agreed 
was that of extirpating heresy. The Count of 
Toulouse was so humbled that he actually served 
under his former enemy at the siege of Casseneuil, 
one of the last of the castles held by the militant 
Albigensians. He was moreover deprived of his 
sovereignty and reduced to the position of a 
subject. Simon de Montfort was now Count of 
Toulouse, Viscount of Beziers and Carcassonne, 
Duke of Narbonne, and Earl of Leicester. King 
Philip the August did not invest him until x Apr. 
1 2 16, though he had obtained letters of investi- 
ture over all Raymond's late territories from the 
Apostolic Legate. 

Raymond considered himself so wronged by 
Simon, that he betook himself to Rome to plead 
his case before the Pope and the Lateran Council. 
He was accompanied by the Counts of Foix and 
Comminges, who were loyal to him] through all 
his misfortunes. He was also supported by 



126 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

several bishops, who had little love for the new 
master of the south. The Lord Innocent was 
inclined to side with the appellants : but was 
dissuaded, and a decree of the Council formally 
deposed Raymond and granted his dominions to 
his conqueror. The two counts, his allies, were 
censured, but allowed to keep their counties after 
promising to give castles as sureties for their good 
behaviour. The Pope, however, moved by count- 
less petitions in his favour, notably from King 
John Lackland's envoy the Abbot of Beaulieu 
and the Archbishop of Embrun, refused to allow 
the ex-count of Toulouse to be reduced to penury : 
a pension of 400 marks was given to him, and 
the Lord Innocent promised that, as He had de- 
prived Raymond's young son of the succession 
to his family inheritance, He would see to it that 
he had ample compensation elsewhere. In con- 
sequence the boy was awarded Beaucaire, Nimes, 
and the marquessate of Provence. Raymond died 
in 1222, after a further effort to regain his lost 
inheritance. 

The Council of Montpellier, which met on 
viii Jan. 12 15, took the necessary measures for 
restoring ecclesiastical discipline in the south ; and 
was closed by the legate Cardinal Peter of Bene- 
vento. When King Philip the August's son Louis, 
disappointed (by the Pope's action in allowing King 
John to be reconciled) of his hopes of an English 
expedition, came down with the Third (or Peace- 



ALBIGENSIAN SYNCRETISM 127 

ful) Albigensian Crusade, he found no necessity 
for military measures. The rebellion may there- 
fore be said to have ceased to be dangerous by 
the beginning of 12 13, and to have become practi- 
cally extinct, as an organised force, by the middle 
of 1 215. 

Much as the fact may be deplored, it would be 
futile to deny that the Pope, in His capacity as 
Head of the Church, was compelled to take some 
kind of stringent measures for the suppression of 
the Albigensian Rebellion. No doubt the most 
desirable form which these measures should take, 
would have been that desiderated by Domingo 
de Guzman. That His Holiness chiefly employed 
other and physical methods, is due (first) to the 
custom of the times, which knew no other way of 
getting what it wanted than by the use of force, 
and (secondly) from the irresistibly convenient 
weapon which Fate placed ready to His hand in 
the person of Simon de Montfort. It is doubtful 
whether the Crusade would have achieved its end, 
had it not been for the Earl of Leicester's perspi- 
cacity in realising that, by judicious self-assertion, 
he might obtain for himself the lion's share of the 
temporal gains accruing from this spiritual sword- 
service. It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to add 
that Pope Innocent bitterly regretted the appalling 
cruelties of the campaign : this point is made quite 
clear from the tenor of His letters on the subject; 
and it is only fair to emphasize the fact that He 



128 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

only allowed Himself to resort to secular violence, 
for the purpose of ending the Heresy, after the 
efforts of no less than ten years, to effect the same 
desirable end by the more peaceful methods of 
persuasion and Church reform, had failed, and failed 
entirely through the extremely militant attitude of 
the upholders of the schism, and the hereditary 
slackness of the Toulousain in its zeal for the Faith, 
with its perennial weak-kneed leaning toward any 
and every heresy, which might happen to be im- 
ported from abroad or invented on the spot. 



CHAPTER VII 

CONCERNING INNOCENT THE THIRD AND 
ENGLAND 

A pontifical success — Innocent and Richard Lionheart — Accession of 
John defrauds Otto and Berengere — John and Philip the August 
— Innocent's mediation — The Canterbury Question — 1205, dis- 
puted right of election — Three claimants — Monks secretly elect 
the sub-prior Reginald— who goes to Rome — John intervenes — 
Bishops and monks elect John de Gray — Innocent to adjudicate 
— Monks confess irregular election of Reginald — who protests — 
Canterbury suffragans declare for John de Gray — Innocent's 
objections to him — his election quashed — Reginald's election 
invalidated — Innocent nominates and monks elect Stephen 
Langton — Innocent announces the fact to Softsword — Plan- 
tagenet passion — John to Innocent — Innocent's indifference — 
Jun. 1207, consecration of Langton — Interdict threatened — John 
sequestrates and escheats archbishopric of York — John refuses 
Langton — John's threats — May 1208, England under Interdict — 
John seeks terms — Innocent grants them — Exasperation of John 
— Defection of Archdeacon of Norwich, whom John starves — 
Election of Bishop of Lincoln — 1212, John excommunicate and 
deposed — England granted to France — John cringes — Nunciature 
of Randolfo — France to invade England — John climbs down — 
Oct. 1213, John liegeman of Holy See — Innocent protects His 
vassal from French attack, and defends him against his own 
barons — 121 5, Magna Carta — Value of pontifical victory 

Of all the subjects of Pope Innocent's diplomacy, 
none was more successful (from the Roman point 
of view) than His treatment of England. Un- 
deterred, perhaps even urged on, by the Sicilian 
precedent, He succeeded in obtaining the kingdom 
of England as a fief of the Holy See, together with 
a substantial tribute as the token of His suzerainty. 

The son of King Henry Fitzempress, (that sturdy 

129 j 



Table F— THE PLANTAGENETS 



William I. (lie Conqueror = Matilda of Flanders 
King, 1066-1087 



Irmengarde de = Fullr, IIII Rechin 

Bourbon C. of Anjou 

1060- 1 100 



Baldwin II de Rethel = Morfe of Armenia 
K. of Jerusalem 



William II Kurus 

King, 1087-1100 



Geoffrey IIII Martel 
C. of Anjou 
1098-1106 



Fulk V Plantagenet = Melisende, Q. of 



09-1129 



C. of Anj 

C. of Maine, 1110-1 
K. of Jerusalem 

1131-1142 
(See Table G) 



Jerusalen 



Robert, E. of Gloucester 



Henry V (1) = Matilda = (2 
Emperor 



Geoffrey V Plantagenet 
C. of Anjou, 1129-1151 



Baldwin III 
Plantagenet 



Andronikos II Amaury I 

Komnenos, Bas. Plantagenet 
of Byzantion 
(See Table B) 



Constance of = Louis VII, K, of : 

Castile France 

(See Table H) 



Eleanor, Hss. of 
Acquilaine 



Amaury IIII de Montfort 
d. 1137 



: Amaury V 
d. 1 140 



Henry II Fltzempress 

King, 1154-1189 
C. of Anjou, 1151-1189 



Geoffrey I. 

X of Brittan 

1156-1158 



(by Rosamund Clifford) 



Havis = John 



Amis, Hss. = Simon IIII, C. of 

Montfort 

Earl of Leicester 

C. of Toulouse 

D. of Narbonne 

V. of Beziers and 

Carcassonne 

d. 1218 



Simon V, E. of = Eleanor 
Leicester 
d. 1265 



Margaret = Ilenry 

Titular 

King 

d. 1183 



Kii 



Berengere -Hit-hard I Lioiiheart Constance, Dss, of = Geoffrey II, D. of Havis (1) = John Lackland 

d, Sancho VI King, 1189-1199 Brittany Brittany 

K. of Navarre C. of Anjou 1 169-1 196 1169- 

(See Table H) 



Gloucester 



_ "99- 

C. of Anjou 

1203-1204 



Fulk 
Lord of Cuigny 



Arthur 

D. of Brittany, 1196-1203 
C. of Anjou, 1199-1203 



Alfonso Villi 
K. of Castile 
(See Table H) 



William II = 
K. of Sicily 
(See Table E) 



Jeha 



William Geoffrey 

E. of Salisbury Abp. of York 

d. 1226 1191-1213 



Ilenry III of Winchester : 

King, 1216-1272 



Eleanor of Provence 
(See Table H) 



Isabella = Frederick II, Emperor 
(See Table E) 



Edward I Longshanks 

King, 1272-1307 



X 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 131 

his imperial nephew. 81 King John was approached 
on the subject : the delay of payment was gently 
regretted ; and Otto's need of the money delicately 
pointed out. England was made to feel that he 
would be doing Rome a favour by fulfilling dead 
England's wishes. When this method was un- 
availing, he was reproached in no less than eight 
pontifical breves. King John enjoyed an unenvi- 
able financial reputation in Rome not only on this 
account : there was another difficulty involving five 
pontifical breves and nine years of negotiation 
about Queen Berengere's dowry, a matter upon 
which the Pope had also to correspond with King 
Don Sancho of Navarre. 

With the purely international affairs of England 
and France, the Lord Innocent did not see fit 
to interfere : beyond recommending a permanent 
peace, as the best preliminary to the Crusade in 
which He urged both sovereigns to embark. 
Later, the Pope made further advances, in the 
shape of definite offers of mediation when He saw 
(with sorrow) the two principal kings of the west 
engaged in a bitter war of conquest, wasting 
money, and occupying men which could ill be 
spared in Christendom's need for an immediate 
and united Crusade. 

Before proceeding to consider the question of 

81 This legacy consisted of two-thirds of King Richard's treasure 
and all his jewels ("baubellis"). King John also refused to acknow- 
ledge his nephew either as Earl of York or Count of Poitou. 



132 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

the Canterbury controversy it may be hinted, 
that, in this case, the Lord Innocent's diplomatic 
acumen perhaps failed to guide Him quite aright. 
The pure justice of the contested election did 
not essentially demand Langton's nomination. A 
little more finesse, a wider knowledge of King 
John's character, and a less impatient desire for 
the immediate welfare of the Church in what 
was (for the period) a very minor consideration, 
would have spared the Pope years of trouble, 
and England the third most humiliating chapter 
in her history. 

On the death of Archbishop Hubert Walter, 
xiii Jul. 1205, the right of election to the see of 
Canterbury was in dispute between the monks of 
Christ Church and the suffragans of the Province 
who held capitular titles : e.g. The Bishop of 
London is Dean of the Province, the Bishop of 
Winchester Subdean : while the offices of Chan- 
cellor, Precentor, Chaplain and Crucifer are 
annexed to the sees respectively of Lincoln, 
Salisbury, Worcester, and Rochester. The monks 
claimed on the ground of long usage and estab- 
lished custom ; and the bishops, because they 
said they were the chapter — and what was the 
object of a chapter other than to elect bishops ? 
But, as the bishops were scattered about the 
kingdom, each in his own diocese, they had no 
opportunity of taking concerted action until later. 
Also there was necessary, (not precisely the 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 133 

Tiberian privilege of comntendatio, nor its modern 
equivalent of the solemn and somewhat blas- 
phemous farce of the cong£ d'elire, but) the royal 
assent to the election. 

The monks of Christ Church, in order to 
make sure of their right of election, forthwith 
met secretly by night and chose the subprior 
Reginald to succeed the worldly courtier Walter. 
And, having enthroned their selection, they were 
straightway afraid of what they had done. So 
Reginald (whether still subprior or really elect- 
archbishop) was hurried off on the eighty days' 
journey 82 to Rome to obtain pontifical confirma- 
tion and consecration. From motives of pru- 
dence, he was strictly enjoined to keep his election 
and letters of recommendation secret. Imagining, 
however, that it would be more commodious to 
travel as the elect-archbishop of a great see 
than as a mere subprior of monks, Reginald no 
sooner landed upon the continent than he bour- 
geoned forth with his new dignity ; and proceeded 
to his destination in archiepiscopal circumstance. 
This action placed the Canterbury monks in a 
perilous position : they were exposed to the 
king's displeasure for presuming to elect with- 
out consulting him. Consequently when John's 
wishes were made known, Bishop John de Gray 

82 Cf. the journey of Thomas Marlborough [Marlborge] who 
quitted Evesham on xx Sept. 1204 and arrived in Rome on the 
vi Dec. 



i 3 4 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

of Norwich was chosen by both monks and 
bishops ; and envoys were sent to Rome to ask 
for his pallium. 

The Pope received the envoys ; and told them 
that Reginald had already arrived in Rome to 
prefer his claims, and that evidence on the sub- 
ject would have to be heard before a decision 
could be given. The monks (who accompanied 
the royal envoys) in fear of by no means impos- 
sible unpleasantness on the part of King John, 
produced documents to show that their subprior's 
election had been invalid. Reginald naturally 
protested, saying that the Pope had promised to 
decide, not only who was archbishop but also, 
upon the right of election. The suffragans of 
Canterbury now formally asserted their claim : 
but, believing that safety lay in siding with their 
sovereign, they declared for the Bishop of Nor- 
wich. The Pope knew something of the latter 
prelate. He had had some correspondence with 
him (x Jun. 1203) about the deposition of con- 
nubially-minded clerks. In the Lord Innocent's 
opinion there had been enough of statecrafty 
archbishops. Bishop de Gray was too good a 
King's-man to be a good Pope's-man ; and Canter- 
bury would thrive better under the ministrations 
of a church-man. Consequently He quashed Bishop 
de Gray's election on the ground of irregularity : 
declared Reginald's to be invalid on the ground 
of informality ; and decided in favour of the sole 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 135 

right of the monks to elect. He then ordered a 
new election to be made by the sixteen monks 
of Canterbury then in Rome, who were to be 
taken as compromissaries for the whole convent. 
These, still shaking in their shoes, were not able 
to think of anybody but the king's nominee : until 
the Pope told them that no king had anything 
to do with elections made in Rome ; and gave 
them a name. Thus advised, their choice pre- 
cipitated itself upon the Cardinal-Presbyter of the 
Title of S. Chrysogonus, one Stephen Langton, 
who had been a fellow student and friend of the 
Pope at Paris, and subsequently Lecturer in 
Theology in the same university, and had won 
some fame by dividing the Bible into chapters 
as we now print it. 83 

The king's envoys, who knew their master 
better than did the Pope, absolutely refused to 
accept the election. It therefore became the 
Lord Innocent's pleasing task to acquaint the 
fiery Angevin with the fait accompli: which He 
did in a most gracious and flowery epistle. There 
is a fable that the House of Plantagenet sprang 
from the union of a man with a female devil. If 
such cross-breeding were possible and had taken 

83 It is not known when Stephen Langton was born. While at 
Paris he had a distinguished career rising to be Rector Scholarum 
of that University. He was a prebendary both of Notre Dame and 
of York. The Pope called him to Rome and attached him to His 
household — raising him to the cardinalature 1206 {Cf. Appendix ii). 
He died viiii July 1228. 



136 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

place, its results might fairly well have taken 
the shape of such an hyaena as King John. We 
have in him instances of ungoverned rage in 
which he certainly qualified for the epithet dia- 
bolical. Whether this was due to a devilish 
ancestry or not, on the receipt of the Pope's 
letter, John fell into a thoroughly Plantagenet 
passion ; knights of selected barbarity were sent 
to drive the resident Canterbury monks out of 
their convent, to the number of seventy ; and 
they afterwards found refuge in Flanders. Mean- 
while, John spat an indignant letter of protest to 
Rome — Langton was a stranger, long resident 
among the King's enemies at Paris and even 
now installed abroad — his election was in defiance 
of the King's rights — let the Roman Pontiff be- 
think Himself before He angered the King of 
the English — England sent more of Peter's 
Pennies to Rome than any other state in Europe ; 
and would send no more — and, finally, the King 
announced his unalterable intention to proceed to 
the investiture of the Bishop of Norwich. The 
Lord Innocent took no notice of these threats ; 
and Himself consecrated Cardinal Langton at 
Viterbo, xvii Jun. 1207. 84 He also wrote to the 
three premier bishops of England quoting the 
text "render unto Caesar etc.," as justification 
for His action ; and ordered them to place Eng- 
land under an interdict if opposition were made 

84 Stubbs, Reg. Sac. Anglicanum^ p. 54. [Matthew Paris, ii. 515.] 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 137 

to the archbishop, who now only needed inthroni- 
zation to enable him to take possession of the 
temporalities of his see. 

The king, however, was having trouble with 
his First Estate over money matters ; and, when 
the archbishop of York, his half-brother, pleaded 
in vain and then cursed him for a robber, he 
blazed into Angevin anger. Archbishop Geoffrey 
fled : his property was sequestrated and his epis- 
copal revenues escheated. He complained to the 
Pope : Who in turn rebuked the King and com- 
manded restitution, taking the opportunity also 
to press Queen Berengere's claims for the re- 
payment of her dowry. 

King John refused to accept Cardinal Langton 
in any circumstances ; and that prelate took up 
his abode at Pontigny, where St. Thomas of 
Canterbury had lived in exile fifty years before. 
The king also declined to make reparation to the 
archbishop of York, or to fulfil his obligations to 
his sister-in-law. When the three bishops, of 
London, Ely, and Worcester, 85 acquainted the 
king with the pontifical decree, John swore and 
threatened horribly. " Dentz Dez," cried he, "if 
you dare to proclaim the interdict, I will pack off 
all the bishops and priests to the Pope and will 
take what is theirs, and all the Romans in the 
country shall return home blinded and noseless, 

85 William de Ste. Mere Eglise, Eustace of Ely, Mauger of 
Worcester. 



138 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

so that they may be recognized all over the 
world ; and if you value your skins get out of 
my sight." The king was as good as his word ; 
and, when the interdict was proclaimed on xxiiii 
Mar. 1208, he took most drastic measures against 
the clergy : prelates and priests alike were driven 
pell-mell and wholesale from the kingdom. The 
fact that the interdict was proclaimed does not 
seem to have affected the Cistercians, at whom 
the Pope carped in a letter to the English Bishops 
Feb. xxi 1209 f° r massing publicly on village 
greens and ringing bells. 85a Lackland's fury, how- 

85a This very curious incident, which must not be attributed to 
any supposed insubordination on the part of the Cistercians, is 
explained by the Right Reverend Lord Abbot Wilfred of Mount 
Saint Bernard Abbey, whose only ecclesiastical superior in the 
Kingdom is the Lord Abbot Carthage of Mount Melleray. The 
Cistercians of the Thirteenth Century considered themselves to 
be exempt from episcopal authority ; and they certainly occupied 
a privileged position with regard to ecclesiastical taxation. The 
Interdict was published by the three Bishops, William de Sainte 
Mere Eglise of London, Eustace of Ely and Mauger of Worcester : 
for a week the Cistercians obeyed it, possibly for the sake of im- 
pressing the King : then they disregarded it to vindicate their 
own position as exempts ; for the only authority which they acknow- 
ledged was that of the General Chapter of the Order, or of course 
that of a Legate. It may perhaps be illuminating to append a 
small notice of the vicissitudes of this celebrated Order in England 
at this period. 

In March 1200, in order to pay 20,000 marks due to Philip the 
August, being the Feudal Relief on his succession to King Richard's 
French dominions, John levied a tax of three shillings on the hide 
throughout England. Against this impost the Cistercians protested 
saying that they had no authority to pay until the pleasure of the 
General Chapter should be known. To which the King replied 
by outlawing the whole Order in his realm. Archbishop Hubert 
Walter with difficulty persuaded him to suspend the sentence ; but 
he refused 1000 marks offered by the Order for a confirmation of 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 139 

ever, did not entirely blind him to possibilities : 
while confiscations and escheatments were en- 
forced against the clergy, he took hostages of his 
principal lords for their loyalty. Then he actu- 
ally wrote to the Pope offering to restore all his 
church plunder and to permit the Cardinal- Arch- 
bishop Langton and the monks of Canterbury to 
land : he further offered his own regal rights 
over the Canterbury lands to the Lord Innocent. 
The Pope accepted ; and appointed the three 
aforesaid bishops as a commission to examine the 
matter : for, as he was dealing with an Angevin, 

its Privileges and Exemptions (Cf. Adams, Pol. Hist. Eng. II, 396) : 
but the royal animosity was not appeased, for, in October, the King 
issued an edict debarring all animals belonging to the Cistercians 
from the rights of pasturage in royal forests ordinarily enjoyed. 
As the Order was interested in sheep farming and grazing, this 
measure was extremely annoying, especially at the beginning of 
winter. Owing, however, to the death of Great Saint Hugh of 
Lincoln (xvii Nov.) the King's conscience became active for a 
time, (he was one of the bearers of the Saint's coffin, and pre- 
sented a gold chalice to Lincoln Minster) ; and he relented suffi- 
ciently to revoke the outlawry and the pasturage decree, and even 
to apologize to the assemblage of Cistercian Abbots, who (by the 
archbishop's very diplomatic advice) had come to plead with the 
King in Lincoln. This was on xxvii Nov. King John was in a 
good humour at the time, as Gruffydd ap Rhys and William the 
Lyon had just done homage, (the latter for his English lordships 
only). After the apology Lackland went even further : for shortly 
afterward he actually founded the Abbey of Beaulieu in the New 
Forest for the Cistercian Order. {Cf. Pontifical letter xxvii Mar. 
1202, App. VI). 

In I20§ (xxiiii Mar.) came the Interdict. This the Cistercians 
obeyed for reasons stated above. Their lands in common with 
those of the rest of the clergy were promptly declared to be con- 
fiscated. A week later, however, sheltering themselves behind their 
privileges, the Cistercians disregarded the Interdict, as we have 
seen. On ii Apr. the Abbot of Beaulieu, the King's own founda- 



i 4 o INNOCENT THE GREAT 

He suspected a trap of some kind. The interdict 
(decreed the Pope) was to be raised if all were 
satisfactory : but the archbishop of York was to 
be reinstated within three months, on pain of a 
continuance of the interdict in the Northern 
Province. This bleak austerity only exasperated 
the king further, and the situation remained as 

tion, was sent off to Rome to offer a certain amount of submission 
(restoration of the monks of Canterbury, and reception of Langton, 
"but not as a friend"): this was probably intended to be a basis 
for plausible but prolonged and purposely fruitless negotiations. 
Two days later the Cistercian lands were restored. The Order 
was not particularly concerned with the political events which marked 
the next years, until October 1210 when the clergy at large and 
the Cistercians in particular incurred the King's displeasure, on 
account of the paucity of their financial contributions to his never 
ceasing demands. He forbad the latter to attend the triennial 
General Chapter of their Order " lest their piteous complaints 
should exasperate the whole world against such an oppressor ; " 
and even denied them permission to receive their brethren from 
abroad until they complied with his wishes. Upon this the monks 
of Waverley Abbey temporarily dispersed themselves; and fled 
overseas to St Bertin's Abbey at St Omer. The clergy ultimately 
paid ,£100,000 : of which the contribution of the Cistercians is 
variously estimated by different authorities at ,£40,000, 33,000 marks, 
and 27,000 marks. Any of these figures would be entirely out of 
proportion to the relative wealth of the Order in comparison with 
that of the rest of the Church. We may perhaps find a cause for 
the royal persecution other than the exigences of finance. The 
Abbot of Abbots of Citeaux, Arnaud Amaury, was one of the 
keenest of the Crusaders who were pressing Raymond VI Count 
of Toulouse so hard in the Albigeois. Now Raymond was John's 
brother-in-law and ally. In October 12 12 the King began to be 
afraid. On all sides he saw the enemies of the Pope either lying 
prostrate or else tottering to their fall at His feet. So with a 
desperate hope that he yet might be in time to be forgiven, John 
ceased from his anger against the Order, and even sent the Abbot 
of Beaulieu again to intercede on his behalf with the inexorable 
Lateran. 

Authorities : — R. Coggeshall, Matthew Paris, IV. Coventry, Rytner, 
Wendover, Rot. Claus., Annals of Waverley and Margam. 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 141 

bad as before. The three bishops (who were in 
Flanders) were ordered to go to John, and publish 
his excommunication in his face : but they dared 
not even go to England. The command was 
passed on to other prelates : but, not unnaturally, 
no one dared to obey. A rumour of the im- 
pending sentence got about ; and Geoffrey, Arch- 
deacon of Norwich and Judge of the Court of 
King's Bench, announced that his conscience 
forbad him to serve an excommunicate monarch. 
The archdeacon of those days was a somewhat 
important dignitary, fulfilling the duties of dio- 
cesan chancellor, and was not necessarily in major 
orders. As a class, archdeacons enjoyed an ill 
name for rapacity and oppression, and John of 
Salisbury debated, " How is it possible for an 
archdeacon to inherit the kingdom of Heaven?" 
King John could not afford to ignore so important 
a person as Archdeacon Geoffrey ; so he happed 
him up in a cope of lead, precluding the slightest 
movement, and thus starved him to death. 

The election of Chancellor Hugh of Wells to the 
vacant see of Lincoln gave cause for a fresh royal 
explosion. The elect-bishop was allowed to go to 
Rouen for consecration, but took himself instead 
to Pontigny, where Archbishop Langton per- 
formed the first official act of his archiepiscopate 
(at Melun,) xx Dec. 1209. So things went from 
bad to worse, until in 121 2 John's atrocious in- 
iquities caused Pope Innocent to issue a Bull, 



142 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

absolving his subjects and vassals from their 
allegiance, pronouncing excommunication on all 
who had dealings with him, and giving his realm 
to King Philip the August. Furthermore, King 
John, being now in the same category as Turks, 
Jews, Infidels, and Hereticks, armed action against 
the deposed Plantagenet was elevated to the 
status of a crusade. At this tremendous call of 
check, the cur-like king cowered and offered 
amends ; and the Pope, willing to forgive a real 
(or to humiliate a royal) penitent, sent a trusted 
official of His curia, the subdeacon 86 Pandolfo, as 

88 In the matter of Pandolfo, his rank and title, there has not been 
as much agreement among historians as is warranted by the facts 
of the case. Shakespeare, Mr J. R. Green, Miss Norgate, and others, 
unite in according a red hat and a Legatine commission dated at 
least in 12 12 to this celebrated clerk. Miss Norgate even goes so 
far as to evolve a new rank in the Sacred College for his benefit, 
that of Cardinal sub-deacon.* {Cf. John Lackland, ed. 1902, p. 160.) 
In addition to this, the late Bishop of Oxford borrowed the surname 
of another Pandolfo, who was really a Cardinal, and uses it for him in 
the list of Bishops of Norwich. {Cf Stubbs, Reg. Sacr. Angl. p. 35.) 
Still there is some foundation for this posthumous promotion and 
affiliation. Pandolfo was Legate (though not until 12 18): Legates 
are very often cardinals ; and there was a Cardinal Pandolfo Masca. 
Therefore there is ground for supposition that Pandolfo was Cardinal 
Masca. But the facts as far as they can be found out tend to upset 
this loose train of argument. Pandolfo Masca di Pisa was made 
" subdiaconus sacri palatii " (according to Ciacconius) by Pope Calixtus 
the Second, Who died in 1124. He was made Cardinal-presbyter 
of the Title of SS. XII Apostoli in Dec. 1182 by Pope Lucius the 
Third ; and died circa i2oi.t Consequently he was not Legate in 
121 3. Our Pandolfo (whose family name is obscure, although we know 

* One must not confuse this appellation with that of ' ' Subdeacon of 
the Holy Roman Church," a title distinct from the cardinalature but generally 
held by a cardinal. 

t There are no further signatures of Cardinal Masca after this date. 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 143 

nuncio, armed with all Apostolic power. The 
two met at Northampton. After much plain 
speaking from the nuncio, King John drew off 
again, and tried to terrify him by executing a few 
criminals, including a defaulting clergyman : but, 
by threatening a priest, he very foolishly afforded 
Pandolfo an opportunity of asserting the supreme 
ecclesiastical authority vested in him ; and the 
miscreant clerk was rescued from the angry 
sovereign's clutches. 

Meanwhile, acting under the Pope's commands 
(which very pleasantly coincided with his own 

that he had a nephew of the same name and a kinsman who was 
Archdeacon of Thessalonika) is always designated in contemporary 
documents and authorities by quite humble titles : 

"Dilectus filius Pandolphus subdiaconus et familiaris Noster" (In 
a letter to Stephen Langton xv July 12 13 in which the Cardinal 
of Tusculum is called "venerabilem fratrem Nostrum" in contra- 
distinction. 

"P. subdiacono et familiari Nostro" in a Breve of xxviii Jan 1213 
in which the Cardinal of Tusculum (to whom it is addressed) is called 
by his titles. 

By the Pope " magistro Pandolfo, ecclesie Romane sub- 

diacono, familiari Nostro" (In the Bull 
Mirantur Plurimum Aug. 12 15). 

By Matthew Paris " domini pape subdiaconus." 

By Wykes " domini pape subdiaconus." 

In Annals of Osney " Magister Pandulfus." 
In Annals of Margam " quidam de capellanis domini pape." 
In State Documents " domini pape subdiaconus et familiaris " 

" Dominus Pandulphus subdiaconus Vester" 
and in the Calendar of Papal Letters he appears as " papal notary " 
and " Pope's chamberlain " : nor is there record of any kind that he 
was ever made cardinal.! The fact that the Pope calls him " sub- 
diaconus " only shews that he was not of exalted hierarchical rank : 

% John of Ypres in the Chronique de Saint Bertin simply says he was a 
cardinal {Bouquet, xviii 604). 



i 4 4 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

aspirations,) King Philip the August, at a great 
muster at Soissons, declared his intention of in- 
vading England to dethrone the deposed king, 
to restore the banished bishops and remove the 
interdict, as well as to punish the Angevin for 
the assumed murder of Duke Arthur of Brittany. 

for the term is often applied, so the Rev. Dr. Ehrle, S.J., informs me, 
as a matter of curial routine to nuncios.§ That he was absolutely 
not of high standing is proved more by the Pope's silence as to any 
other title for His nuncio, for He invariably proclaimed the quality 
of His envoys with no uncertain voice in the letters of introduction 
to the princes to whom they were accredited : to John the nuncio 
is simply called " familiaris." II 

Pandolfo was never ordained priest while in England, although 
from 121 5 onward he was Elect-Bishop of Norwich. Canon Jessopp 
states that he can find no record that Pandolfo ever visited his see 
or was seized of the temporalities thereof : If but, to make up for this 
he earned a reputation for Roman rapacity in all other dioceses. 
After he left the country, he was made Legate (having before been 
only nuncio) by Commission on xii September 1218 ; and returned to 
England iii December in the same year, where he achieved new fame 
as one capable of statesmanship. He steered clear of overt quarrels 
with Cardinal Langton of Canterbury : but had to resign his Legation 
owing to that prelate's hostile influence at the Lateran, xix July 1221. 
Having now severed his connexion with his see and the country 
in which it lay, he could safely be consecrated Bishop thereof : which 
was done xxix May by the Lord Honorius Himself. Pandolfo died 
quite peaceably either at Rome on xvi August** or at Viterbo on 
xvi September I226,tt at which latter place he was buried. tt 

§ Cf. the official descriptions accorded to Dukes and Marquesses in State 
Papers and Proclamations in this country. 

|| Letter to King John, xxviii Feb. 1212. 

Tf Victoria History of Norfolk, Vol. II. p. 227. 

** Annals of Waverley, p. 302, and Florence of Worcester, ii 174. 

tt Anthony Bek's Book (Lincoln MS.) " Pandulfus, gener Romanus, officio 
legatus. Anno pontificatus sui quinto XV Kal. Octobr. apud Witerbiam obiit 
ut dicitur et ibidem sepelitur." 

Xt Bartholomew Cotton (p. 394) would have it that this Bishop was 
brought back dead to be buried in the Cathedral Church of the diocese which 
he had never troubled to visit while alive, as also would Weever in Funeral 
Monuments, p. 869. 




INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 145 

But these preparations were in vain. John, 
unable to trust his English barons to resist the 
foreign invasion, suddenly climbed right down 
from obstinate defiance to self-humiliating obedi- 
ence. Without approving the way in which it 
was achieved, and at whatever cost to our 
English pride, one can hardly help admiring 
the completeness of the pontifical triumph. The 
Saul among persecutors agreed to all the Pope's 
demands ; and, prostrate before the apostolic 
envoy, rendered up his kingdoms and regalia, 
receiving them again on taking the oath as a 
feudal liegeman to the Holy See ; 87 and further, 

87 EGO IOHANNES Dei Gratia Rex Anglie, Dominus Ibernie, 
ab hac hora in antea fidelis ero Deo et beato Petro et Ecclesie 
Romane ac Domino meo Pape Domino Innocentio III Eiusque 
Successoribus Catholice intrantibus. Non ero in facto in dicto 
consensu vel consilio ut vitam perdant vel membrum vel mala 
captione capiantur Eorum damnum si scrivero impediam et re- 
moriam faciam si potero alioquin Eis quam citius potero tali persone 
dicam quam Eis credam pro certo dicturam consilium quod mihi 
crediderint per Se vel per Nuncios seu litteras Suas secretum 
tenebo et ad Eorum damnum nulli pandum me sciente Patrimonium 
beati Petri et specialiter Regnum Anglie et Regnum Ibernie adiutor 
Eis ero ad tenendum et defendendum contra omnes homines pro posse 
meo sic Deus me adiuvet et haec sancta Dei Evangelia. De quibus 
ne possit in posterum aliquid dubitari ad maiorem securitatem 
predicte obligationis et concessionis nostre presentem cartam fieri 
fecimus et aurea bulla nostra signari ac procensu huius presentis 
et primi anrfi mille marcas sterlingorum per manum predicti Legati 
Ecclesie Romane persolvimus. 

Testibus Domino S. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo. 

W. Londoniensi. 

P. Wintoniensi. ! 

E. Eliensi. | Episcopis. 

H. Lincolniensi. 
W. de Gray Cancellario Nostro. 

W. de Longa Spada Comite Saresboriensi frate Nostro. 

K 



146 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

signed a deed, binding himself and his successors 
to this tenure of their kingship, xii Oct. 1213. 88 
Pandolfo left England with ^8000 for the banished 
bishops ; and the question of Queen Berengere's 
dowry was shelved. 

Of course, now that King John was a communi- 
cate vassal ruling over an uninterdicted portion 
of Peter's Patrimony, he was not a fit subject for 
attack by the Pope's men. The fury of King 
Philip the August, when he was told that to 

R. Comite Cestrie. 

W. Marescallo Comite Penbroc. 

Roberto de Rosse. 

W. Comite de Ferrariis. 

S. Comite Winton. 

Guillelmo Briwere. 

Petro filio Hereberti. 

Briano de Insula, Dapifero Nostro. 

Datum per manus Magistri Riccardi de Marisco, Archidiaconi 
Richmundie et Northumbrie, apud sanctum Paulum Londoniensem, 
tertia die Octobris Anno ab Incarnatione MCCXIII Regni vero 
Nostri Anno Decimo Quinto. 

{Cod. Dip. Dom. Temp. S.S. Tom. I.) 

88 JOHANNES Dei Gratia Rex Anglie, Dominus Ibernie, Dux 
Normannie et Aquitanie, Comes Andegavensis, omnibus Christi 
fidelibus hanc Cartam inspecturis, Salutem in Domino. 

Universitati vestre per presentem cartam aurea bulla nostra 
munitam volumus esse notum quod cum Deum et Matrem nostram 
Sanctam Ecclesiam ofifenderimus in multis et proinde divina miseri- 
cordia plurimum indigere noscamur nee quicquam quod digne offerre 
possimus pro satisfactione Deo et Ecclesie facienda debita nisi nos 
ipsos habeamus et regna nostra. 

Volentes nos ipsos humiliare pro Illo Qui Se pro nobis humiliavit 
usque ad mortem Gratia Spiritus Sancti inspirante non vi inducti 
nee timore coacti sed nostra bona spontaneaque voluntate ac 
communi consilio baronum nostrorum offerimus et libere concedimus 
Deo et Sanctis Apostulis Petro et Paulo et Sancte Romane Ecclesie 
Matri nostre ac Domino Nostro Pape Innocentio Tertio Eiusque 
Catholicis Successoribus totum regnum Anglie et totum regnum Ibernie 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 147 

assail John was now all of a sudden a sin, was 
only curbed by the desertion of the Count of 
Flanders. 

It is quite possible that it was a case of "a 
Pope ill-advised" when, during the subsequent 
struggles between John and his barons, the Lord 
Innocent was so decidedly of the king's advice. 
Of course it may be that the Pope considered it 
detrimental to the moral (as well as to the feudal) 
interests of the Church to allow King John to 

cum omni iure ac pertinentis suis pro remissione omnium pecca- 
torum nostrorum et totius generis nostri tarn pro vivis quam pro 
defunctis. Et a modo ilia a Deo et ab Ecclesia Romana tanquam 
fedarius recipientes et tenentes in presentia venerabilis patris nostri 
domini Nicholai Tusculani Episcopi, Apostolice Sedis Legati et 
Pandulfi Domini Pape Subdiaconi et Familiaris fidelitatem exinde 
Domino Nostro Pape Innocentio Eiusque Catholicis Successoribus 
ac Ecclesie Romane secundum subscriptam formam fecimus et 
iuravimus — Et homagium etiam ligium pro predictis regnis Deo et 
Sanctis Apostolis Petro et Paulo et Ecclesie Romane et Eidem 
Domino nostro Pape Innocentio per manus predicti Legati loco 
et vice Ipsius Domini Pape recipientes publica fecimus. Successores 
et heredes nostros de uxore nostra in perpetuum obligantes ut 
simili modo Summo Pontifici Qui pro tempore fuerit et Ecclesie 
Romane sine contradictione deberant fidelitatem prestare et homa- 
gium recognoscere. Ad indicium autem huius nostre perpetue 
obligationis et concessionis volumus et stabilimus ut de propriis et 
specialibus redditibus predictorum regnorum pro omni servitis et 
consuetudine quod pro ipsis facere debemus (salvis per omnia Denario 
Petri) Ecclesia Romana mille marcas sterlingorum precipiat annuatim 
scilicet in festo Sancti Michaelis quingentas marcas et in Pascha 
quingentas marcas septuagentas marcas scilicet pro regno Anglie 
et trecentas pro regno Ibernie, salvis nobis et heredibus nostris 
iustitiis liberatibus ac regalibus nostris. Que omnia sicut supradicta 
sunt rata case volentes perpetuo atque firma obligamus nos et 
successores nostros contra non venire, et si nos vel aliquis suc- 
cessorum nostrorum hoc attemptare presumpserit quicunque fuerit 
ille nisi vite commonitus resipuerit cadat a iure regni et haec carta 
obligationis et concessionis nostre semper firma permaneat. 



148 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

be hustled or hullaballooed at by his subjects : 
but then it must also be remembered that Soft- 
sword had given his suzerain to understand that, 
granted the opportunity, he would go crusading 
to the Holy Land, though his letters to the 
Pope upon the subject can scarcely be taken as 
records of fact. From whatever motives the 
Lord Innocent acted, He was at least consistent. 
The same hand which protected vassal John 
from King Philip the August in 12 13, two years 
later interfered in his favour against the barons. 
King John was absolved from his oath to keep 
the provisions of Magna Carta : and the Lateran 
lightnings 89 scorched the barons who dared to 

8 » INNOCENTIUS EPISCOPUS, SERVUS servorum Dei— 

P. WlNTONIENSI EPISCOPO, ABBATI REDINGE — ET PANDOLFO 
ECCLESIE ROMANE SUBDIACONO.* 

MIR AMUR PLURIMUM 

et movemur quod cum karissimus in Christo filius Noster Iohannes 
illustris Rex Anglie supra spem Domino et Ecclesie satisfecerit et 
presertim fratri Nostro Stefano Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo et epis- 
copis eius quidam eorum minus quam oportuerit et decuerit ad 
sancte crucis negotium, Apostolice Sedis mandatum et fidelitatis 
prestite iuramentum debitum imo nullum respectum ei contra per- 
turbatores regni quod ab Romanam Ecclesiam ratione Dominii 
pertinere auxilium non prestiterint vel favorem quasi conscii ne 
Dicamus socii coniurationis inique quia non caret scrupulo societatis 
inique qui manifesto facinori desinit obviare — Ecce qualiter patri- 
monium Romane Ecclesie Pontifices prefati defendunt ? 

Qualiter crucesignatus tuentur imo qualiter se opponunt his qui 
destruere moliuntur negotium Crucifixi. Peiores procul dubio Sara- 
cenis existentes cum ilium conantur a Regno depellere de quo potius 
sperabatur quod deberet succurrere Terre Sancte. Unde ne talium 

* In this Bull it will be noticed that Pandolfo ranks after the Abbot of 
Reading which would not be the case had he been a cardinal. 



INNOCENT AND ENGLAND 149 

combine against their lawful sovereign and the 
favoured dependent of the Holy See. The Church 
had won a signal triumph : Peter's Pence and 
feudal tribute were flowing into Her somewhat 
depleted coffers : all disputed questions had been 
settled in Her favour: Her overbearing oppressor 
was now quite obedient and very humble ; — and 
what were the constitutional aspirations of a dis- 
tant island in comparison with the necessity of 
showing the World that the Church knew how 
to protect Her friends as well as how to punish 
Her foes. It was distinctly a mistake of judgment 
on the part of Innocent. True, John's letters to 
the Pope were utterly misleading. True, Cardinal 
Langton erred on the side of arbitrariness. But, 
Innocent knew John's character — cowardly, cruel, 
treacherous, incapable, thoroughly weak (except- 
ing for wickedness). And He knew Langton's 

insolentia non solum in periculum Regni Anglie verum etiam in 
perniciem aliorum regnorum et maxime in subversionem totius 
negotii Crucifixi valeat prevalere Nos ex Parte Dei Omnipotentis 
Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti authoritate quoque Apostolorum 
Eius Petri et Pauli ac Nostra, omnes huius modi perturbatores Regis 
ac Regni Anglie cum complicibus et fautoribus suis excommunica- 
tionis vinculo Innodamus et terras eorum ecclesiastico Subiicimus 
interdicto. — — — — — — Universis insuper eiusdem Regis 

vasallos in remissionem peccatorum ex parte Nostra iniungentes ut 
contra perversores huiusmodi prefato Regi tribuant consilium et 
iuvamen. 

— — Ne igitur mandatum alicuius tergiversatione valeat impediri 
excommunicationis causam predictorum cum ceteris que ad hoc 
negotium pertinuerint Duximus committendam per Apostolica vobis 
Scripta mandantes quatenus protinus omni appellatione postposita 
procedatis sicut videritis expedire. 

Rymer, Foeder. Vol. I. 208. 



i 5 o INNOCENT THE GREAT 

— brave, capable, ambitious for the best interests 
of the Church, tactful, strong, diplomatic with 
unusual sincerity. But John had taken the 
Cross. Innocent believed that the King of the 
English was about to fulfil his promise to free 
the Holy Land. And it was this which blinded 
a judgement ordinarily so clear-seeing, and at all 
times so unwaveringly on the side of righteous- 
ness, and influenced the Pope in John's favour. 
The advantage, then, which Innocent won was 
contemptible, on account of its ephemerality, if 
on no higher ground ; and there can be no doubt 
but that, when the first flush of triumph had 
faded, the Pope regretted that ever a single 
English mark of King Lackland's minting should 
have entered the pontifical exchequer. The case 
of England's humiliation under John is on the 
whole a fine example of the Roman Pontiffs 
fallibility in temporal affairs 



CHAPTER VIII 

CONCERNING INNOCENT THE THIRD AND 
THE CITY 

Turbulent Rome — Causes of Turbulence — Bad example of other 
cities — The Lombard cities — Innocent's object — and method — 
Pisa and Sardinia — 1200, Innocent describes Guglielmo da 
Massa — 1202, Sardinians massacre clergy — Pisa's opportunity — 
Pisan raid on Torres — A matrimonial case — Rival candidates — 
Pisa gains Sardinia — Orvieto — Rebellious and heretical — 1199, 
excommunications — 1200, Pietro Parenzi — Parenzi murdered — 
1209, second Orvietan attempt on Aquapendente — Viterbo — 
1 199, Consuls rebuked — 1200, War — 1205 — Unwinged words — 
1207, Peace — New Laws — Lawlessness of the Romans — The 
mind of Innocent — The mind of the Romans — 1198, Innocent 
changes the Roman constitution — The Prefect's Oath — Benedetto 
Carusomo — Pierleone and Capocci — Rome and Viterbo claim 
Vitorchiano — Innocent's dilemma — War between Rome and 
Viterbo — Innocent pleases both — Gabriano and Varni pother — 
Opportunity of Pierleone and Capocci — 1202, Orsini and Scotti 
feud — Ricardo de' Conti — The Poli estates — Poli vs. Conti — 
Poli gambades and gallery play — Intervention of Pierleone and 
Capocci — Rebellion — Innocent retires to Ferentino — New demo- 
cratic constitution for Rome — 1203, Elections — Democrats claim 
Poli estates — Recrudescence of riot — 1204, The Pope as pacifi- 
cator — His diplomacy — A Pierleone senator — Capocci protestant 
— Civil War in Rome — Pontiff has the sinews of war — Innocent's 
contempt — Terms of peace — New senate incapable — People in- 
voke Pope — Innocent returns to the status quo a7ite — Review of 
Innocent's internal policy — System of charity — Famine of 1202 — 
"Panem — et circenses" — Infanticide — Santo Spirito the first 
Foundling Hospital — Religious Orders — The Trinitarians — 
Mendicant Friars — Friars Minor — Friars Preachers — Curial 
Reform — Summary 

It is one of the most remarkable features of 
the history of the Roman Pontificate that, long 



152 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

after the Pontiff had become able to wield 
Christendom at His will, to make and unmake 
kings and emperors, to compel princes to peace 
or war, He Himself was almost always in diffi- 
culties with His Romans. Rome indeed never 
seems not to have deserved Tacitus' description 
of it as the place " where everything atrocious 
or shameful (he is speaking of Christianity) 
collects and is practised." 90 

The Lord Innocent's difficulties with the City 
appear to have arisen from two sources : first, 
the shocking example set by other neighbouring 
Italian cities or states ; secondly, the notion 
(maintained as a root idea by the temperamen- 
tally turbulent populace) that it stood in a more 
or less independent position in regard to the Pope. 

Among the cantankerous cities and states with 
which the Lord Innocent had to deal, the Lombard 
cities in the north with Orvieto, Viterbo, Pisa 
and the island of Sardinia nearer at hand, are 
perhaps the most important to be considered. 

The following Lombard cities came in turn 
under the weight of the pontifical flail : Cremona 
(September 1199-December 1204): Parma and 
Piacenza sinned in common from 1198 to 1205, 
when Parma saw the error of her ways and 
was pardoned, while Piacenza having invented 

90 exitiabilis superstitio rursus erumpebat . . . per urbem etiam quo 
cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque. Ann. 
XV Ed. Lipsius, 1524, p. 528. 






45 C - 




The Legacy or 
Lands, now pertaining to Tuscia, f Mati/dan Donation 
which had at one time formec 
part of the Patrimony, 

_[_ 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 153 

a fresh sin persevered therein until 1207 : Ber- 
gamo began to misbehave in 12 10 and re- 
mained under displeasure, as was also the case 
with Treviso : Alessandria, a papal city par 
excellence, was stiff-necked and would obey the 
Pope in nothing : it persisted through the loss 
of its bishopric, and in 12 13 elected an excom- 
municate heretic as its rector, whenafter it re- 
mained under the Pope's displeasure, ban, and 
interdict : Verona, Modena, Mantua, Novara, 
Ferrara, Padua, belong also to the same category. 
All these cities were insolent to legates, some- 
times heretical, always aggressive against the 
clergy whom they afflicted with outrageous taxes ; 
and, furthermore, they were given over to de- 
solating wars between city and city, and to 
perpetual civil disorders, in all of which the 
Church was the chief sufferer. 

The Pope's object was to ease matters, to 
protect the clergy and the property of the 
Church, and to make life at least endurable for 
decent and Christian men and women. His 
method of attaining this object was much the 
same in every case. If anything could be done 
by exhortation, Innocent the Third (with His 
enormous capacity for letter-writing) was the 
man to do it. When words failed He proceeded 
to deeds — gentle at first, then severe, finally 
terrific, and generally effective. 

The breves and bulls which issued from the 



i 5 4 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Lateran seem to have come in the following 
order: — "Please be good:" — "You will be sorry 
if you are not good : " — " Such and such in- 
dividual sinners are excommunicated : " — " Your 
city is laid under an interdict : " — " The bishopric 
of your city is abolished:" — "All the subjects of 
your city are outlaws throughout Christendom, and 
any prince who desires to add it to his dominions 
will be blessed for doing so." It is not suggested 
that this procedure was invariably successful. In- 
deed, in some places, there was no lay prince 
considerable enough to be named definitely as 
pontifical commissioner for the restoration of the 
Catholic Faith, Apostolic peace, and Christian 
treatment of the clergy ; and cities like Bergamo, 
Treviso, and Alessandria, were as contagious ring- 
worms on the body of Italian politics. It must 
however be emphasized that Innocent (Who is 
spoken of elsewhere as the pioneer of Italian in- 
dependence) never dreamed of inviting transalpine 
barbarians to do in Italy what He was perpetu- 
ally urging them to do in their own countries, 
namely to consider themselves as Peter's sword 
to be wielded at the Pope's will against objection- 
able or contumacious ears. 

The affair of Pisa and Sardinia was another of 
the Lord Innocent's provincial difficulties. The 
Pope found Sardinia at the very beginning of His 
reign in an extremely unsatisfactory condition. As 
far as it could be said to be governed at all, its 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 155 

rulers were the four hereditary Judges of Torres, 
Arborea, Cagliari, and Galium, whose overlord in a 
very shadowy way was supposed to be the Roman 
Pontiff. The Judges themselves were "tosspots, 
strikers, deceivers of maidens, and rogues in- 
grane" 91 ; and, what the masterless men (a very 
mixed stock and addicted to vendette) were, under 
such governors, it may be useless to describe. 

In 1200 Innocent as suzerain kicked (in a spirit 
of love) Guglielmo da Massa, Judge of Cagliari. 

"We hear," He wrote, "that you have returned 
like a dog to your vomit ; and that, plunged in the 
voluptuousness of the time, you have actually been 
usurping the rights of the Church instead of re- 
specting Her as your Mother and Mistress. You 
have stolen the wife of the Judge of Torres, dis- 
honoured her and killed her in prison. By caresses, 
threats, or violence, maids and matrons, patrician or 
plebeian, are your victims. You illtreat churches 
and the clergy, as though they were serfs, with 
your crushing taxes. You have deposed Pietro di 
Serra, Judge of Arborea, and kept him in prison 
until he died. Without waiting for Our investiture 
or asking Our permission, and to Our loss, you 
married your daughter to a noble, Ugo di Basso, 
giving her as dowry half Arborea and reserving for 
yourself all the fortresses ; and yet every one knows 
that all Sardinia belongs to the domain, jurisdiction, 
and patrimony, of the Apostolic See. That is not 

91 Sir Walter Besant. 



156 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

all. Even your Judgeship of Cagliari you only 
obtained, on the death of the last Judge, by seizing 
his wife and daughter, leaving the one to die in 
prison, and marrying the other, a minor, to one of 
your kin : although the Judge, on his deathbed, 
confided them both, as well as his dominions, to 
the Archbishop of Pisa." 

Two years later, finding that His exhortations 
had failed, the Pope made a definite attempt to 
establish order and peace in Sardinia, naming the 
apostolic prothonotary Blasio as Archbishop of 
Torres with full powers. But, in the following year, 
the Sardinians indulged in a considerable massacre 
of prelates ; and the pontifical threat of excommuni- 
cation and anathema (to be pronounced every 
Sunday and Holiday throughout the island) seems 
to have been simply contemned. 

This was Pisa's opportunity : Pisa, the Pope's 
enemy in Tuscany, and herself under the Great 
Ban. Pisa, being a maritime republic, and the 
Pisans of a pushing and commercial temperament, 
desired to bring Sardinia into both spiritual and 
temporal subjection to herself and to reduce it to 
the status of a colony. Consequently, when the 
Lord Innocent (claiming the island as a fief of 
Peter's Patrimony in virtue of Carolingian Dona- 
tions) insisted on oaths of allegiance>*from the 
Judges, and urged the local bishops to act for the 
restoration of law and morality, the incorrigible 
Sardinians were only too ready to fall into the 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 157 

arms of the Pisans. The result was the Pisan raid 
on Torres and the practical enslavement of that 
division of the island. 

This same year Barisone I, Judge of Gallura, 
died, leaving a daughter Elena, whose marriage 
fell to Innocent (as legal suzerain of Sardinia) to 
arrange. Desiring to obtain a definite foothold in 
the island, the Pope appointed His Own cousin, 
Trasimondo de' Conti, to marry the lady and 
thereby to acquire iure uxoris the hereditary J udge- 
ship of Gallura. Owing however to Pisan influence 
on her mother, the girl was coy for three years : 
which gave the Pisans a chance of providing a rival 
candidate for her hand in the person of Lamberto 
Visconti, a citizen of the republic, whom she was 
induced to marry in 1207. The Pope retorted by 
sending Trasimondo to incite Genoa (the com- 
mercial riva"! of Pisa) against Sardinia, fulminating 
by the way excommunications against bridegroom, 
bride, and the latter's mother. The Pisans, on their 
part, continued to be Guelf when the Pope became 
Ghibelline, allying themselves with another of His 
enemies, the Emperor Otto : but, though Innocent 
contrived to nullify their efforts in this direction, 
Pisa remained under excommunication until the end 
of the reign. The republic was however able to 
console itself with the possession of Sardinia, of 
which the Pope henceforth disdainfully washed His 
hands. By way, however, of getting even with the 
Pisans, and making them, willy-nilly, instrumental 



158 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

for good at least somewhere, the Lord Innocent 
wrote to the Bishop of Gallipoli and the Dean of 
the Great Church of Constantinople ordering them 
to compel, with threat of censures, all Pisans in 
Romania to pay tithes. 92 

The case of Orvieto presents a different feature 
from that of the Lombard cities and the Sardinia- 
Pisa imbroglio : the place being not only rebellious 
but heretical as well. In the very year of the Lord 
Innocent's accession, the Orvietans had tried to 
steal pontifical Acquapendente. The following 
year the Catharist heresy broke out very violently. 
The usual excommunications followed ; and the 
bishop, Ricardo of Orvieto, was transferred to 
Rome. He appears to have been able occasionally 
to nerve himself to hang, burn, and behead sec- 
taries, but never entirely to suppress them. In 
Feb. 1 200 the Christian inhabitants of Orvieto 
succeeded in getting a pontifically-nominated 
Podesta in the person of Pietro Parenzi : who was 
promptly murdered by the heretics on xxx May by 
way of retaliation for the bitter persecution, both 
physical and financial, to which he had subjected 
them. It is worthy of note, as an instance of the 
disorders of the times, that the brave Parenzi, after 
swearing allegiance to the Pope as Podesta of 
Orvieto, at once made his will and received plenary 
absolution in intelligent anticipation of that doom 
which elevated him, in the eyes of reasonable 

92 Letter viii Mar. 1208. 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 159 

Orvietans, to the rank of a hero and martyr. The 
city was quiescent after this outburst until 1209, 
when the inhabitants again made predatory attempts 
on Acquapendente ; and were immediately scorched 
with interdict and crippled by a fine of 4000 marks. 

The case of Viterbo more nearly affected Rome, 
by reason of its geographical proximity and of 
the frequent residence of the pontiffs within its 
walls. At the very beginning of Innocent's 
reign, we find it cankered with heresy and hanker- 
ing after independence. On xxv March n 99 
He had occasion to rebuke the Consuls of the 
city and to furnish them with injunctions against 
heretics. Like all other communities of the period 
the Viterbitans resisted the pontifical measures as 
far as they could : failing to turn aside the Pope 
from His course of unification, they proceeded to 
worry His class, the clergy, drawing upon them- 
selves in 1200 a threat to suppress the see. 
After this came the war between Viterbo and 
Rome (which is treated of below) ; and, from its 
close until 1205, the city seems to have behaved 
itself. But then Viterbo lapsed again into evil 
ways, exiling its bishop and electing an excom- 
municated Patarin, one Giovanni Tignosi, as 
chamberlain of the city. 

"Wallowing in your sins," fulgurated the angry 
Pontiff, "as does a beast of burthen amid its 
dunghills, the stink of your putridity has corrupted 
all the region round about." All the dreadful 



160 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

pains and penalties of excommunication and inter- 
dict were launched against those who had deal- 
ings with Catharism and every other kind of 
heterodoxy ; and the bishop was restored. But 
not until June 1207 was there peace, when 
Innocent Himself went to superintend the cleans- 
ing of this Augean stable. Henceforth recusants 
were to be outlawed, their property confiscated, 
their houses razed and the sites used as public 
rubbish heaps. Further, their fautors were to be 
mulcted of a quarter of their goods and bound 
over in a new and strict oath of allegiance. 
As for the lapsed, or recidivi, they were to be 
deprived of the assistance of lawyers and the 
ministrations of the clergy, nor might they be 
buried in consecrated ground — which provision 
would seem to indicate that their execution was 
regarded as a matter of course. And these laws 
were to be in force over the whole Patrimony. 

On xxiii September 1207 they were promul- 
gated at a sort of parliament, consisting of clerks 
and lay representatives of the cities of the Patri- 
mony, which was held by the Pope's command. 
Two further statutes respectively subordinated 
Civil to Canon Law so far as the clergy were 
concerned, and prescribed police regulations pro- 
hibiting family feuds, private wars, and vendette, 
— all very excellent from the theoretical point 
of view : but, in practice, the armed hand rather 
of a Feudal Lord than of a Shepherd of the 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 161 

People was required to enforce them. Still they 
did secure peace to the Patrimony until the death 
of the Lord Innocent. 

With all these hideous examples of anarchy 
and Donnybrook Fair around it, very naturally 
Pope Innocent found considerable difficulty in 
dealing with the City itself. Immediately after 
His election, Rome swore allegiance to Him and 
howled for largesse : which was refused until 
the Pope had received the confirmation of His 
position by coronation a month later. In the 
mean time He made inquiries as to the usual 
amount given, and the minimum amount which 
could be given ; and the donation of the latter 
sum enraged the Romans more than a total 
denial of their claim. Then riots began. 

It is necessary clearly to understand the minds 
of the contending parties. The main principles 
which guided Innocent may be found in His 
sayings, "Among the People of God, spiritual 
authority precedes temporal," and " God has 
placed in the firmament of the Universal Church 
two great dignities, the Papacy which reigns 
over souls, and Royalty which reigns over bodies : 
but the former is immensely superior to the 
latter." The Romans recognized two officials, a 
senator exercising authority in the name of the 
People, and a prefect who nominally represented 
the emperor — preferring to pretend to obey the 
Roman Emperor who was generally absent, rather 



i62 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

than to behave with common decency to their 
actual and ever present overlord the Roman 
Pontiff. Even according to Innocent's ideas there 
was nothing essentially anomalous in this position. 
Most Popes had been quite as well pleased to 
treat with the Roman commune (as a separate 
power with rights of peace and war) as with 
other papal cities constituted in this manner. 
The relation of pontiff to commune could quite 
well have been on a par with that of German 
prelates in relation to their city governments, or 
with that of the northern Free Cities which also 
had sovereign bishops. The one thing necessary 
to such a form of government is that the lay 
power should be competent to perform its secular 
functions ; and this the Roman commune emphati- 
cally was not. Consequently, taking advantage 
of the temporary enthusiasm which accompanied 
His election, the Lord Innocent changed the con- 
stitution of the City. Henceforth both senator 
and prefect were to be pontifical nominees and 
to swear allegiance to the Pope only. There 
was nothing violent about this change, as Innocent 
retained the imperially nominated prefect Pietro 
Vico, taking from him an oath of allegiance which 
still survives in the Vatican Archives : — 

" In the name of Christ, I, Peter, Prefect 
"of the City, swear that I will faithfully care 
" for the land which the Lord Pope has 
"committed ito my charge to the honour 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 163 

"and perfecting of the Church. I will 
11 neither sell, let, subinfeudate, nor mort- 
gage, nor in any manner alienate any- 
thing from it." 93 
Unfortunately the Pope was confronted with the 
problem of dealing both with a legacy of evil 
and with present discontent. The evil which 
men do lives after them ; and Benedetto Caru- 
somo, who had usurped the sole senatorship from 
1191-1193, had appointed a governor over the 
Maremma and the Sabina in despite of the 
Church. This was the first bone of contention : 
Innocent recovered the districts in question, and 
thereby came into collision with Giovanni Pier- 
leone and Giovanni Capocci, representatives of 
the Great Houses who led the democratic party 
in the City. 

These malcontents took occasion to express a 
grievance against the Pope : alleging that, in re- 
covering the Maremma and Sabina for the Apos- 
tolic See, He had robbed the people of Rome : 
their real reason being (in accordance with the 
practice of socialists of all ages) to render them- 
selves sufficiently hostile to make it worth the 
Pope's while to buy them. However, Innocent 
refused ; and Pierleone and Capocci therefore took 

93 "In nomine Christi ego Petrus Urbis prefectus iuro quod terram 
" quam michi dominus Papa procurandam commisit fideliter procurabo 
"ad honorem et perfectum Ecclesie. Non vendam nee locabo nee 
" infeudabo nee impignorabo nee aliquo modo alienabo quidquid ex 
" ea." — {Reg. I ccxvij sheet a.) 



1 64 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

umbrage, ranged themselves among the antipapal 
faction, and watched their opportunity for a con- 
spiracy. 

Now it happened that the Viterbitans wished 
to possess themselves of Vitorchiano, a town near 
Montefiascone. But Vitorchiano said that it was 
subject to Rome, probably only meaning thereby 
that it was not subject to the Viterbitans. Now 
Rome was nominally at least a pontifical city. 
Viterbo was certainly a pontifical city, which (with 
the felicitous opportunism of pontifical cities of 
the period) had been very Ghibelline indeed when 
Barbarossa besieged Rome in 1167, shewing its 
loyalty to the imperial principle by plundering 
much of Saint Peter's and samsonizing the bronze 
gates of that edifice. 

As a matter of fact there was hardly a penny 
to choose between the two. Rome itself was 
never averse from exacting money from the 
Popes ; and had been known to chase living 
Popes from the City and to pelt the coffins of 
dead ones with mud, as indeed happened at the 
funeral of Alexander the Third. 94 

The dilemma amounted to this : if the Pope 
awarded Vitorchiano to Viterbo, the Romans 
would be very angry : on the other hand, if He 
sustained the Roman claims to the disputed town, 

94 As an instance of modern persistence of mediaeval traditions in 
Rome, it is curious to note that the coffin of Pius the Ninth was not 
only pelted with mud but almost tossed into Tiber as well. 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 165 

His charming Romans would become puffed with 
pride and quite unmanageable. Incidentally they 
would destroy the pontifical city of Viterbo as 
completely as they had destroyed Tusculum 
in 1191. 

In the war between Rome and Viterbo which 
naturally followed, Innocent supported Rome just 
so far as to allow her to recover Vitorchiano and 
at the same time get very nearly smashed. And 
then He saved Viterbo, and enabled her to keep 
her independence. Rome was actually grateful 
for His help : Viterbo, for His favour. But the 
democrats accused Him of betraying the interests 
of the City. 

Then the lords of Gabriano and Varni, having 
stolen some land from the Colmezzo family in 
the Campagna, refused to obey the pontifical 
courts : pretending to hold the stolen property 
from Pierleone and Capocci as representing the 
commune of Rome. They, of course, complained 
loudly that a fief of the people should be held 
in question in a pontifical court. Innocent re- 
torted by sending the Marshal of the Church to 
desolate the private property of Gabriano and 
Varni : whereupon Pierleone and Capocci raised 
the populace (at no time a difficult task) ; and the 
Pope was forced to explain the facts of the case 
to the people. When, however, a government is 
reduced to having to explain its actions to its 
subjects, it is in a very poor way. 



166 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Next came the feud of the families ot Orsini 
and Scotti : which, after smouldering for genera- 
tions, broke out in the autumn of 1202, (Sept. 
xiiii - Oct. viiii). The Orsini, fat with the nepo- 
tism of Celestine the Third, took advantage of 
the Pope's temporary absence at Velletri to 
ravage the Scotti, His mother's family, in Rome. 
Innocent promptly returned to restore order ; and 
Pandolfo of the Suburra, the Senator, imposed 
an oath of allegiance upon both parties and 
banished them beyond the walls : Scotti by Saint 
Peter's and Orsini by Saint Paul's, with all 
Trastevere between them. One of the leaders, 
Teobaldo Orsini, was waylaid in the Via Ostiense 
by the Scotti and murdered : whereat Orsini raised 
the plebs by parading Teobaldo's corpse, utterly 
wracked and destroyed the houses of the Scotti, 
and captured two towers belonging to the Senator. 

At this juncture the Pope's main support was 
His brother Ricardo, whom He had made as 
rich and powerful as possible, not perhaps alto- 
gether without the idea of making friends of the 
mammon of unrighteousness. This Ricardo (the 
builder of the Conti tower which still exists under 
the title of Torre di Nerone near the Via Nazionale 
in modern Rome) had purchased the mortgages 
on the properties of the House of Poli ; and had 
paid off the debts of Oddo Poli, the head of that 
family : in return for which he had had the 
daughter of Oddo betrothed to his son. Oddo, 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 167 

however, seeing his property out of the hands 
of the usurers, with the most inconsequent in- 
gratitude tried to recover it ; and actually had 
the impertinence to sue Ricardo de' Conti for 
having dispossessed him. This is an excellent 
example of the way in which the Romans found 
it safe to bait a Pope or members of the pontifical 
family : for there was always something to be 
gained by litigation of this kind, sometimes by 
force, sometimes by a stroke of luck and always 
as a concession to secure what one might call the 
silence of a yelping cur. Honesty and justice 
did not enter into the question at all. 

The case of Poli vs. Conti, having to do with a 
fief, had to be tried in the pontifical courts. The 
Lord Innocent, with a most foolish generosity, 
actually offered to pay Oddo Poli's expenses : but 
this did not suit the plaintiff's book in the least ; 
and Oddo and a body of his familiars acted the 
Adamite, stripping themselves naked and running 
about Rome in and out of the churches, calling all 
men to witness to what they had been reduced by 
the overweening pride of the Conti and the Pope's 
nepotism. After this scandalous proceeding, the 
gymnosophists further had the audacity to pretend 
to hand over the fief (which was still sub iudice) to 
the commune of Rome, and then to claim pro- 
tection as vassals of the City. This was almost 
certainly done at the instigation of the democratic 
leaders, Pierleone and Capocci. 



168 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

The Pope protested ; and ordered His brother to 
fortify the Poli castles, which he held, pending the 
judicial decision. The Romans seized the chance 
of engaging in their favourite pastime ; and re- 
volted. The Senator Pandolfo was besieged in 
the Capitol, the Conti tower was assaulted and 
partially burned, and Ricardo obliged to take to 
flight: while the remains of the tower were 
escheated to the commune, and the Conti and their 
adherents outlawed. 

The Pope, being no longer safe in the City, 
retired to Ferentino in May, and later to Anagni 
where He became seriously ill. Meanwhile the 
disorders in the City ceased, and the Romans turned 
from a destructive to a constructive policy. The 
nominated senatorship was to be abolished, as 
being an engine of pontifical oppression, in favour 
of a senate of fifty-six members elected under the 
control of the democrats ; and in this way a term 
was to be put to the despotism and nepotism of 
the Lateran. 

The Pope and the commune entered into an 
agreement that the College of Cardinals (acting in 
the absence of His Paternity) was to nominate 
twelve electors, who (in their turn) were to choose 
the fifty-six senators : when however the elections 
came on at the end of 1203 the ochlocrats seized 
most of the electors ; and, by imprisonment and 
threats, extorted the appointment of senators hostile 
to the Pope. But Pandolfo, who had held the 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 169 

Capitol all this time in despite of the various 
tumults, at length surrendered it to the senators 
chosen by the uncoerced minority of electors as 
being favourable to the Pope. The democrats pro- 
tested and solemnly claimed that the Poli estates 
should be handed over to the commune pending the 
verdict of the court, which the turbulence of the 
City rendered impossible ; and, when the pontifical 
party (from the security of the Capitol) declined, 
the democrats set up an anti-senate in the monastery 
of Santa Rosa. A grave recrudescence of disorders 
ensued. 

The Roman people thoroughly wearied of this 
state of things, and being by no means satisfied 
with the demagogues, implored the Lord Innocent 
to return as pacificator. This He did in March 
1204 and made an oration to the people. The 
fifty-six senators having fallen out of favour were 
abolished by the Pope, Who very diplomatically 
took all the wind out of His opponents' sails by 
naming his mischief-making adversary, Giovanni 
Pierleone, as sole elector of a sole senator — thus 
riving the lute of the democrats. This man named 
his kinsman, Gregorio Pierleone, as Senator, an 
honest but otherwise colourless character, but well- 
thought-of as being a Roman of Rome. 

Capocci and his section of the democrats, being 
now left very much out in the cold, would (and 
could) have no part or lot in these arrangements. 
They therefore declared, through the mouth of 



170 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

their tame but schismatic and abolished senate, that 
the Pope had violated a treaty of 1 1 88 and was 
therefore deposed. Furthermore they tricked 
themselves out in fresh titles as " Buonhomini 
della Commune," and as such were pleased to 
call themselves a orovernment. 

This was the beginning of the very thorough- 
going war which ensued. Towers were built and 
burned and rebuilt and again captured : all the 
Great Houses seized the opportunity of settling 
old scores and bringing blood feuds up to date. 
Every one (who could) built a tower, fortified a 
ruin, or dispossessed a neighbour of his castle ; 
and proceeded to plunder and burn from this 
base. The Anibaldi, the Alexii, Gilido Carbonis, 
and the invaluable Pandolfo the ex-senator, helped 
the Conti and Scotti for the Pope against the 
democrats under Capocci, who was backed by 
the Frangipani, Rainerii, and Baroncelli. The 
fighting went on for days : but, as the pontifical 
treasury was well filled, the ultimate victory lay 
with the Lord Innocent. He proposed terms ; 
and, though the arrangements hung fire for some 
time, they were at last accepted : when Innocent 
shewed His scorn for the City and its pretensions 
by investing His brother with the disputed Poli 
fiefs. The terms accepted on xxvi October 1204 
were that four arbitrators appointed by both 
parties should decide upon a peace. And their 
decision was that electors nominated by the Pope 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 171 

were to choose fifty-six senators who should swear 
allegiance to His Paternity. 

But of course this arrangement, being merely 
the counterpart of the previous one, could not 
work well : the new senate shewed itself to be 
singularly incapable ; breaches of the peace were 
unrestrained ; and the people besought the Pope 
to end the matter, which He promptly did by 
a reversion to the sole senatorship of Pandolfo 
of the Suburra. This was practically the end 
of the strife between the Lord Innocent and His 
Romans : only once more did a crisis arise, in 
1208; and then, by merely leaving the City, 
the Pope brought His pack of curs to heel, and 
returned a second time " by special request." 

Innocent the Third's policy throughout was 
that of the wise ruler. As for the nobles, He 
distributed favour for His friends and force for 
His foes : He assisted the commercial classes by 
helping them to get their debts paid, avoiding 
anything in the shape of novae tabulae; and by 
awarding to them the revenues of benefices mort- 
gaged by deceased but foreign prelates. 95 His 
works on behalf of the poor were thoroughly in 
keeping with His position as Vicar of the Poor 
Man of Nazareth. He established an organized 
system of charity in the City, and His excellent 
arrangements for dealing with the famine of 
February 1202 were infinitely superior to the 

85 Breve of ii Mar. 1204. 



172 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

modern system of sporadic and amateur soup- 
kitchens. The Pontiff undoubtedly shouldered 
the burthen of the Caesars as far as " panem " 
was concerned. The populace was doubtless 
graciously pleased to accept the frequent riots 
and civic disturbances in lieu of "circenses." 

A dream inspired what was perhaps one of 
His greatest acts of charity : for it is only natural 
that a temperament like Innocent's should be 
very strongly influenced by anything in the shape 
of an occult manifestation. He seemed to be 
bidden to fish in Tiber — the first cast of the 
net brought up eighty-seven murdered infants : 
and the second, three-hundred-and-forty. His 
attention being thus drawn to the most crying 
evil of the time, habitual infanticide as blatant 
as that of the dirty-knuckled 96 Lakonians, He 
established xviii June 1204 what is in effect still 
the Foundling Hospital and Maternity Home 97 
of Rome in the Borgo, which was to be supported 
by alms collected for the purpose in Italy, Eng- 
land, Sicily, and Hungary. On iii Jan 1208 He 
ordered the Veroneikon to be carried in great pomp 
to this hospital of Santa Maria in Saxia (as it was 
called then) and an annual distribution of food and 
money in connection with the institution. 

96 Plato's word. 

97 This foundation was placed under the care of the Confraternity 
of the Holy Ghost (whence its modern name), a society founded by 
Count Gui de Montpellier to do hospital work among the poor. 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 173 

Another of the Lord Innocent's great founda- 
tions is the Order of The Holy Trinity and of 
Captives, commonly called the Trinitarians, 98 first 
established by Jean de Matha and Felix de Valois, 
and following the Augustinian Rule and dress 
(differenced by a blue and red cross), with the special 
additional obligation of redeeming Christians from 
captivity" among the Moors and Saracens even 
at the cost of life or personal freedom. Two other 
great orders, in fact the first and greatest of the 
Mendicant Friars (altogether apart from monastic 
institutions) came into being in this reign, the 
Order of Saint Francis or Friars Minor 100 and 
the Order of Saint Dominic or Friars Preachers. 101 
Both Francis and Dominic received from the 
Lord Innocent encouragement for their novel 
ideas : although the bulls of formal ratification 
were not issued until the succeeding reign, that 
of the Dominicans being dated xxii Dec. 12 16, 
and that of the Franciscans xxviiii Nov. 1223. 
It may perhaps be superfluous to mention that 
the Capuchin schism, at present calling itself the 
Capuchin Order of Saint Francis (O.S.F.C.), 
did not originate until the reign of Clement the 
Seventh, more than three hundred years later. 

98 The church of San Tommaso in formis on the Celian Hill con- 
tains a mosaic of this period representing Christ between a black 
and a white slave. Innocent placed the Trinitarians here. 

99 The Trinitarians were called the " Crutched Friars." 

100 Grey Friars. 

101 Black Friars. 



174 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

Innocent the Third was by no means a man 
who could only see faults in other people or 
their habits and manners of government. On the 
contrary He was fully aware that His Own Curia 
was wedded to a rather undesirable proclivity — 
peculation in fact, — that it was bureaucratically 
pompous and wholly given over to paperasseries 
papales. His chancery clerks were grasping, ex- 
cessive alike in number and demeanour, and His 
court was cumbered with chamberlains and use- 
less if ornamental curial hangers-on. With these 
He was as drastic as with dissenters. The lay 
household was dismissed, the Noble Guard dis- 
banded, the luxury of the court diminished, vails 
were stopped, and a schedule of fees drawn up, 
so that every pilgrim or visitor or suitor knew 
what he had to pay, instead of having to trust 
to his power of bargaining with an avaricious 
horde of venal ecclesiastics. This of course was 
not pleasing to those whose opportunities for 
picking and pilfering were thus done away with, 
any more than it was to those petty officials, 
chamberlains, and antechamberers, (who lost the 
daily parade of their self-importance and "little 
brief authority ") when the Pope afforded greater 
facilities to ordinary people for seeing Him. The 
Roman court, however, was a living and a grow- 
ing imposthume upon the body of the Church and 
a temporary cauterization had only a temporary 
effect. All the abuses grew up again, venality 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 175 

was just as pronounced, and all the old evils 
reappeared as soon as the master hand was gone, 
— as is but natural. 

It will be seen that the Lord Innocent's life as 
Pope was not built up solely of great deeds, 
affairs worthy of His mighty intellect, set in 
compartments like specimens in the show-cases 
of a museum, which can be dealt with in certain 
allotted rotation : but was rather a mosaic com- 
posed of many brilliantly coloured achievements 
set in a dull cement of perpetual and grinding 
worry. The Pope never knew a moment's peace. 
A difficulty could not be measured by its magni- 
tude, but by its insistency. It is not easy, at 
the best of times, to conduct complicated diplo- 
matic negotiations with differing parties of wildly 
clashing interests : but how much more must it 
have added to the toil of the task perpetually to 
be disturbed by unimportant but offensive trifles, 
repeated and studied insolence from vainglorious 
and purely flocculent nobodies secure in their 
own insignificance, and abrupt and sudden riots 
at His very door liable at any moment to drive 
the statesman headlong from His chancery and 
His papers. 

A weak man would have wept himself into a 
coma with sheer impotent rage at the vastness 
and overwhelming onrush of the work of the 
post. He then would have done nothing, and 
relapsed into the position of a little provincial 



176 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

canon, wrapped up in his breviary and completely 
heedless alike of his obligations and opportunities. 
A merely strong man would have bravely attempted 
all, wrestled honestly, and gradually succumbed 
beneath the burthen of his office, happy if his 
collapse took the shape of death and not an in- 
sanity haunted by spectres of the Sisyphean 
labours which had been his lot. 

But the Lord Innocent was a very strong 
man, possessed of an extraordinary mind and 
such a capacity for working as is granted to few 
among the sons of men. He did all the work 
of His post: light-heartedly made more: did 
that ; and reached out again to find still further 
scope for His enormous energies. Yet He only 
broke down once. 

He was a very strong man in that He knew, 
and was not afraid to acknowledge, that He occa- 
sionally made mistakes. Even Apollo's bow is 
not continually bent. He also was strong enough 
to drop a train of policy, if once (by reason of 
unheard-of or suddenly-arising obstacles) it ran 
off the track and its pursuit became unprofitable 
thereby. Thus He abandoned His Sardinian 
schemes. He was often ill served. Yet He always 
made a great effort : accepted the difficulty pro- 
vided for Him by the carelessness or headstrong 
rashness of another ; and undauntedly dealt with 
the same to the best of His ability. Thus He, 
first of western statesmen, seriously grappled with 



INNOCENT AND THE CITY 177 

the Eastern Question as we moderns understand 
the phrase. This He was compelled to do, be- 
cause His darling crusade had run amok. Not 
only was it an immensely difficult task, but its 
very existence was a bitter disappointment. He 
had hoped to keep His cherished ideal of the 
Reunion of Christendom as a hobby, if one may 
use the word, for His rare spare moments. He 
had looked forward to matching His theology 
against that of Orthodox patriarchs, no mean 
antagonists. He had anticipated being able to 
persuade (by irrefutable arguments drawn from 
His store of Paris- and Bologna-won learning) 
the subtile-minded Greeks ; and, by words, to 
restore the alliance of the Churches which had 
been wrecked upon words. 

It was nearly always a sea of petty details which 
confronted Him ; and He was obliged to wade 
through these before He could get to work on 
anything that greatly mattered. Nevertheless, 
He knew that the details, by reason of their 
pettiness, must be attended to at once, lest (by 
neglect) they should blossom out into giant weeds 
and choke Church and State alike. 

One must admire the greatness of His character : 
one cannot help but pity Him for the infinite 
weariness with which He was so heavily weighed 
down. 

Finally, one is tempted to wonder whether He 
would have been hampered, or assisted, if He had 

M 



178 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

had at His disposal modern methods of communi- 
cation. It is by no means impossible that the 
Lord Innocent, armed with telephones and wireless 
telegraphy, would have staggered humanity into 
the very wildest hysterical phrenzy by the fre- 
quency of His blunt unmincing admonitions, and 
the passionate attention which He would have 
demanded to the never-ceasing torrent of instruc- 
tions, exhortations, congratulations, directions, and 
damnations, surging in an immeasurable flood out 
of Lateran over Europe and the known world. 
But no doubt, under such conditions, He would 
have perished of "something of the nature of an 
aneurism " in the very first year of His pontificate. 



CHAPTER Villi 

CONCERNING OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 
THE THIRD 

Problems confronting Innocent — His voluminous correspondence — 
His aspirations — Holy Land — 121 1-3, Armenia — Antioch — 
Tripoli — Jerusalem — 121 1, Haleb — Kingdom of Jerusalem — King 
Amaury II — King Hugh I — Queen Marie Yolande — Jean de 
Brienne, King Consort — Iberian peninsula — July 12 12, Battle of 
Navas de Tolosa — The Byzantion Failure — 1207, Russian Rebuff 
— 1 198, Serbian success — 1202, Bulgarian success — 1 199, Arme- 
nian submission — Church Reform — 1202, Mission to Pagan 
Prussia — 12 12, Missions to Pagan Lithuania and Livonia — 
Morals of Polish clergy — Purging of Church in France — Oppo- 
sition of Princes — King John — 1210-1, King Dom Sancho I — 
King Philip of Swabia — Romanian Princes — Royal matrimonial 
scrapes — A comparison — Philip the August and Ingebiorg — 
Alfonso Villi of Leon and Berengere — Marie of Brabant — Otto 
and Beatrix — Frederick II and Costanza — Ottokar's divorce — 
Peyre II of Aragon's divorce — Innocent's austerity and leniency 
— Guiltless children legitimate — Typical matrimonial case — King 
Philip the August : Queen Ingebiorg : Agnes of Meran — Inno- 
cent's other interests — Norway — Sweden — Denmark — Hungary 
— Bulgaria — 121 5, Fourth Oecumenical Council of Lateran — The 
crowd of conciliars — Seventy-two additions to Canon Law — 
Canon of Mass revised — Heresies condemned — Other conciliar 
acts — Mendicant Orders 

Other matters, beside these tedious great emprizes 
of prime international importance, irritated the in- 
defatigable Pontiff by their insignificance, or baffled 
Him by the distance of the locality in which they 
occurred from the central brain in Rome. The 
malice, or imbecility, of an excessive or mulish 

179 



180 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

bishop could exacerbate the Roman Pontiff quite 
as much as a vindictive or ungrateful emperor's. 
To the just mind and clean ideals of the Lord 
Innocent, the immorality of a parish priest in 
Norwich, or Radom, was as vexing as the adultery 
of the King of France : diplomacy could be quite as 
complicated in Castile or Sardinia as in divided 
Germany ; and the King of Armenia as unamenable 
to discipline as a Doge. The Lord Innocent 
began His reign at the early age of thirty-seven, 
before He had quite realized the difficulties or 
become fully aware of the labours involved in His 
new position, with an energy of correspondence 
which was not equalled in any other year of His 
reign. He was full of enthusiasm and lust of ex- 
tending Christianity, Catholic unity, and pontifical 
power. His letters reflect His aspirations. For 
extending Christianity, He hoped that a Crusade 
could be arranged ; and, though His constant efforts 
only resulted at first in the conquest of Byzantion, 
He did not abandon convictions of final success. 
The condition of the Holy Land was His special 
care. He wrote again and again to the princes of 
the crusading states and the grand masters in the 
East, urging them to lay aside their differences and 
unite against the infidel. King Levon of Armenia 
was excommunicated for robbing the Templars, xvii 
May 121 1, and was not absolved until xxv Mar. 
12 13. The perpetual misconduct of the Princes of 
Antioch and the Counts of Tripoli annoyed the 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 181 

Pope as much as the feebleness of the Kings of 
Jerusalem grieved Him. At one time, vii Jun. 
121 1, the Lord Innocent had to appeal to the 
Sultan of Haleb (one of Salah-ed-din's sons) to 
protect the Patriarch of Antioch from Prince Bohe- 
mond IIII, the lawful sovereign of that city. The 
complete indifference of Europe at large, toward a 
Syrian Crusade, prevented the Pope from achieving 
anything in that quarter of Christendom, beyond 
the reconciliation of the Armenian Church. 

Yet in spite of the poverty of His harvest, the 
Lord Innocent's labours were arduous. One finds 
Him there, as elsewhere, commending and re- 
proving, excommunicating and pardoning, making 
people do their duty, stopping quarrels among 
Christians, and settling disputes among the cham- 
pions of the faith. 

For example : — the Patriarch of Jerusalem, 
having been rebuked for inefficiency, evil-speaking 
and general misbehaviour, 102 is told to make haste 
to effect a settlement about the disputed see of 
Tyre with his brother of Antioch 103 and later is 
charged to cooperate with the Grand Masters of 
the Temple and the Hospital in the proper distri- 
bution of alms sent to the Holy Land. 104 Over 
this duty he quarrelled so passionately with the 
autocratic Templar, Gilbert Horal, that he spouted 

102 Letter to the Patriarch of Jerusalem xxiii Dec. 1198. 

103 Ditto iii Jan. 1199. 

104 Ditto Sept. 1 199. 



i82 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

excommunications over the entire order. This 
action he was made to eat ; 105 and, soon after, the 
Pope found it necessary to warn him off the 
property of the Order of the Holy Sepulchre. 106 
This prelate seems, in spite of the influence of 
constant admonition, to have died in his violence. 
His successor, Albert II was, however, more reason- 
able in his behaviour, for in 1 208 107 we find him 
considered worthy of being legate, and even merit- 
ing reappointment to that office : which is indeed 
a contrast with the opinions entertained officially 
about the dead Monaco. He, almost alone among 
contemporary Patriarchs of Jerusalem, had so far 
grown in grace that it was safe to nominate him 
as arbitrator between the old enemies of his see 
(the Templars) and the piratically-inclined King of 
Armenia. 108 

Nor were the Blessednesses of the Patriarchs 
Monaco and Albert II the only recipients of letters 
from the Pope in Syria. The Templars had to be 
reminded of their financial obligations toward the 
Church twice 109 in the earlier part of the reign ; 
and the Hospitallers were reproved for thievish 110 
and fractious 111 tendencies. Count Bohemond of 

105 Letter to the Patriarch of Jerusalem xv Dec. 1199. 

106 Ditto v Jan. 1200. 

107 Ditto ix July 1208. 

108 Ditto v Mar. 1 209. 

109 Letter to the Grandmaster of the Temple xiii Jun. 1199. Ditto 
xxx Mar. 1200. 

110 Letter to the Grandmaster of the Hospital Dec. 1 198. 

111 Ditto viii Feb. 1199. 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 183 

Tripoli shewed a propensity to favour the Orthodox 
Patriarch of Antioch ; and had to be threatened in 
consequence : 112 while the Latin incumbent of that 
see had first to be censured and suspended for 
excess of zeal, 113 and, later, he must needs be 
forgiven and reinstated. 114 Yet, so feeble was a 
successor, that both Count Bohemond 115 and the 
Canons of Antioch 116 required urging before they 
would have anything to do with him. All these 
people were more or less in the fighting line ; and 
attention would naturally be attracted to them on 
their distant outpost duty. Still the Pope was not 
on that account blind to the course of affairs in 
the often obscure middle distance : for we find 
Him scolding the clergy of Candia for detaining 
Crusaders in their city and so preventing valuable 
succours from proceeding to the front. 

Innocent the Third seemed doomed to per- 
petual disappointment in Palestine. In the midst 
of His efforts to strengthen the vanishing king- 
dom of Jerusalem by persuading fresh parties of 
Crusaders to journey thither to fill the places of 
those who had succumbed to the Saracens, climate, 
or disease, King Amaury II de Lusignan himself 
died (1205). His death plunged the Christian 
East into confusion ; and severed the connection 

112 Letter to the Patriarch of Jerusalem iiii Mar. 1208. 

113 Letter to the Patriarch of Antioch xvii Mar. 1198. 

114 Ditto xxxi Dec. 1 198. 

115 Letter to the Count of Tripoli xxvi May 1209. 

116 Letter to the Chapter of Antioch xxvi May 1209. 



1 84 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

between insular Cyprus and continental Acre 
(which last alone represented the territorial 
dominions of the kingdom of Jerusalem) to the 
immense disadvantage of the latter. King 
Hugh I, son of Amaury's first marriage, suc- 
ceeded to the island throne, while a step- 
daughter — Marie Yolande (daughter of Queen 
Isabella by her second husband Konrad of 
Montferrat) 117 — obtained the continental kingdom : 
but, as both successors were minors, the con- 
dition of both states was reduced to as low an 
ebb as was consistent with self-preservation. In 
the selection of Jean de Brienne 118 as a husband 
for Marie Yolande, and King-Consort of Jerusalem, 
the Pope and Christendom were greatly disap- 
pointed : as this prince did nothing to justify the 
opinions formed in consequence of his previous 
worthy reputation. 

The Lord Innocent's crusading efforts in the 

117 This Konrad, at one time decorated with high Byzantine titles 
in virtue of his family connection with the Court of the Boukoleon, 
had married the unhappy Queen Isabella [wholly regardless of the 
continued existence of her first husband Henfrid of Toron] whereby 
he acquired the marital title of King. He earned and deserved 
unpopularity among the Syrian Franks ; and finally perished by reason 
of a misunderstanding with the Old Man of the Mountain. Sir 
Walter Scott, for the sake perhaps of euphony, calls him Marquess 
of Mon^errat in The Talisman. 

118 Jean de Brienne was younger brother to that Gaultier whose 
claims to the County of Lecce are treated in the chapter concerning 
Sicily. After being a failure in Syria he succeeded in marrying 
his daughter by another marriage to Baldwin II Emperor of 
Romania, over the remnants of which state he reigned as Emperor- 
Regent with as much brilliancy and success as he had displayed 
on his former throne. 



S— KINGS OF JERUS 



iaur of = Amaurj I Plantagenet = 



ymi 

I of 
enay 



King of Jerusalem 

1162-1174 

son of King Fulk 

Plantagenet 

1131-1144 

(See Table F) 



Hugh VIII 
de Lusignan 



- 

L01 



Eschive, d. of - liu.uiry II de 



Baldwin 

Lord of Ibelin 

(above) 



King, 1197 
King of C] 
1194-12 



ampagne 

40-1246 



Plaisence, d. = Bol 
of Hugh III ij 

L,ord of Giblet 



/\ 



Table G— KINGS OF JERUSALEM 



Ioannes II Basileus 

of Bvzantion 

1118-1143 



Andronikos Komnenos 
d. EZ13 



(See Table B) 



I, Lord of Ibelin = Helvis de Rame 



Agnes, daur of ■-. Ainnory I Plantngenet = Maria Komnena = Bali; 



joscelyn II 

Lord of 
Courtenay 



King of Jerusalem 



son of King Fulk 
Plantagenet 



(See Table F) 



Hugh VIII 
de Lusignan 



Baldwin IIII 

1*1 milage net 

King, 1174-1x83 



i V Longsword = Slbyllc Plantngenet = Guy de Lusignan Eschive, d. of = Amanry II de Lusignan (4) 



Isabel le 
Plnntagenet 

Queen 
1192-1208 



de Montferrat 

3 rince of Ascalon 

(See Table D) 



Queen, 1186-11 



King 
King of Cypri 



92 



Bakh 
Lord of Ibelin 
(above) 



King, : 
King of Cypr 
1x94-1205 



Baldwin V de Montferrat 

King, 1183-1186 



= (2) Conrad de Montferrat 

King, 1 192 

Marquess of Montferrat 

1183-1192 

(See Table D) 

= (3) Henry I de Champagne 

King, 1192-1197 

Count of Champagne 

(as Henry II) 

1180-1197 



Hugh I de Lusignan — Alice de Champagne 

King of Cyprus 
1205-X218 



Plaisence, d. 
of Hugh III 
Lord of Giblet 



= Bohemond IV = 


= Melisende de 


Iolande I de = 


- John de Brlen 


Prince of 


Lusignan 


Montferrat 


King, I2TO-X2 


Antioch 




Queen 


Co-Emp. of 


1201-1233 




X208-I2I2 


Romania 
1231-1237 



of King Don 

Alfonso Villi 

of Leon 




6 Long/VV. from Green. Z Long.E.from Green. 2 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 185 

West, on the contrary, were crowned with com- 
plete success. He found the various kings of 
the Iberian peninsula in a condition in which 
they were as likely to ally themselves with the 
Moors as against them : two of these sovereigns 
were in serious disgrace with the Church. A 
consistent policy — [whereby the Spanish kingdoms 
were taught: — (1) To obey the Holy See: — 
(2) To unite against the infidel on the one hand 
and the heretic on the other : — (3) To acknow- 
ledge the primacy of Castile, at least in matters 
ecclesiastical, and so by logical stages to regard 
that kingdom as temporal hegemon of the pen- 
insula as well] 119 — brought its own reward to its 
untiring author, in the knowledge that He had 
been the instrument whereby the safety of Christi- 
anity was assured, on one side (at least) of Europe, 
in the glorious victory of Navas de Tolosa. It 
was most certainly due to the Lord Innocent, 
and to Him alone, that on that xvi July 12 12 the 
King of Castile commanded a Christian army 
whose wings served respectively under the Kings 
of Aragon and Navarre, an army composed of 
the flower of Spanish chivalry as well as the full 
strength of the Spanish Orders arrayed under 
their Grand Masters under the eye of militant 
bishops and shoulder to shoulder with the levies 

119 Innocent definitely accorded the ecclesiastical primacy of All 
Spain to the see of Toledo in a breve sent to Archbishop Rodrigo iiii 
Mar. 1 2 10. 



1 86 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

of the cities. Never had Spanish Christendom 
been so united : never did the Crescent experience 
such drastic treatment from the arms of the Cross. 
En-nacer the Moorish sovereign left a hundred 
thousand of his people dead upon the field. The dis- 
aster of Alarcos was avenged and the future of the 
Iberian peninsula definitely acquired for Europe. 120 

The Pope's negotiations for securing Christian 
Unity were more variegated in their results. 
Letters addressed to the Basileus Alexios III of 
Byzantion, (i 198- 1 199) [see p. 59] persuaded 
him from an armed attack on Cyprus, but failed 
to teach him that the true relation of the Orthodox 
to the Latin Church was that of a daughter to 
her mother. A fictitious union of the Churches, 
such as was afterwards brought about by the 
Fourth Crusade, fulfilled neither the desire of 
the Lord Innocent nor His design. 

Cardinal Gregory's mission in 1207 to Russia 
was a failure, owing to the hatred for the Latin 
Church inspired by the sack of Byzantion ; and 
the Russian Church refused to share in a Catho- 
licity which took its tone from Rome. 

The Pope was able to come to more satis- 
factory terms with the Serbians in 1198, and the 
Bulgarians in 1202. In return for the pontifical 
confirmation of their titles, the princes of these 

120 There was one fly in the ointment however. In spite of the 
Pope's repeated charges in favour of Toleration for Jews, the Spanish 
crusaders whetted their courage and their swords by a massacre in 
the Jewry of Toledo just before the opening of the campaign. 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 187 

countries, together with their vassals, agreed to 
consider themselves members of the Roman 
Obedience. 

The Armenian Church also made its submission 
in 1 199; and who knows what the persevering 
diplomacy of the greatest canonist and statesman 
who sat on Peter's throne for a thousand years, 
might have achieved with the Byzantines, if only 
He and they had been unembarrassed by the 
Fourth Crusade? 

The whole Church was reformed and extended 
at the hands of Innocent the Third. He recast 
the Canon of the Mass. Missionaries to the Pagan 
Prussians were encouraged ; and the support of 
the Duke of Pomerania was secured on their 
behalf, xiii Aug. 1202. In a letter to the Grand- 
master of the Knights of the Sword, Jan. 12 12, 
that Order was commended for its endeavours 
to introduce Christianity among the Lithuanians 
and Livonians ; and, if the sword were used as 
a preliminary to the baptismal shell, it must be 
remembered that the only efficacious argument 
understood in that age was that of force, and 
that the heathens used lethal weapons to resist 
conversion. The manners and morals of the 
clergy in Poland left very much to be desired, 
and, though His information as to the names 
(and in some cases the actual dioceses) of the 
offenders was extremely vague, the Lord Innocent 
wrote voluminously to the bishops of that country 



1 88 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

urging immediate reformation. His information 
however was at least ample enough to enable Him 
to confirm grants of lands made to the Order of 
the Holy Sepulchre in that country. 121 We have 
already noticed His display of energy in purging 
the French Church from its spiritual heresy and 
temporal rebellion, evils at which the Lord 
Innocent had been unable to wink in the manner 
of His predecessors. But, beside this, He had 
also to arrange the dispute with King Philip the 
August, who had been quarrelling with the brother 
bishops of Orleans and Auxerre (Manasses and 
Guillaume de Seignelay), over their refusal to 
serve in the feudal levy excepting when the 
king led it in person. 

The ingrained habits of the time seemed to 
make it natural for princes to oppose the Church, 
whenever they had the opportunity. King John 
of England did so, (first) from avarice (second) 
from revenge for punishment inflicted on him 
for his misbehaviour. King Dom Sancho I of 
Portugal had to be rebuked for the same reason 
in 1210 and 121 1, having indulged in wholesale 
confiscation and plunder of Church property. 
The Swabian King Philip of Germany, and the 
Germans in Sicily came under the pontifical flail 
on account of the same offences : while, in the 
Empire of Romania, every prince, from the 
highest to the lowest, sought to grow rich at 

121 Breve xiiii Oct. 1208. 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 189 

the expense of the Church. The Lord Innocent 
had to write countless letters, to employ legates, 
and to put in motion the whole machinery of 
diplomacy and apostolic power, in order to save 
His charge from being stripped of Her revenues, 
robbed of Her fabrics, and deprived of the ser- 
vices of Her officials : for, however horribly the 
more enlightened Twentieth Century may feel 
called upon to sneer at the ethics of the early 
Thirteenth, it would be hardly safe to deny that 
Innocent the Third had enormous responsibilities, 
was fully conscious of them, and fulfilled them in 
(for Him) a singularly efficient manner. 

He had a great deal of trouble with the matri- 
monial affairs of the kings of Europe, troubles 
from questions of divorce or of marriage within 
prohibited degrees, troubles in arranging suitable 
(or preventing undesirable) alliances, troubles about 
proposals of marriage which constantly came at 
awkward moments imperilling the success of care- 
fully laid trains of policy. 

It is curious and not uninstructive to note how 
very much more lax the Nineteenth Century was 
in matters matrimonial than the early Thirteenth. 
In Pope Innocent's time, the Church severely vetoed 
(as incestuous) the marriage of first cousins once 
removed. In the Nineteenth Century such unions 
were of almost everyday occurrence, particularly 
among the aboriginal 122 Roman Catholics of 

122 Cardinal Newman's epithet. 



190 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

England ; and, in the same century there were 
no less than four royal marriages of uncles and 
nieces in a single family — in the case of King 
Don Fernando VII of Spain and his brothers 
Don Carlos and Don Francisco : these being in 
their turn further complicated by the marriage of 
the children from these unions of Don Fernando 
VII and Don Francisco. 123 

King Philip the August had repudiated his 
newly-wed Queen, Ingebiorg of Denmark ; and 
it was difficult for the Pope to threaten him with 
interdict on account of this conduct at one 
moment, and to rely upon him for assistance in 
the Crusade at the next. King Don Alfonso Villi 
of Leon on the other hand, with but little 
less pertinacity than King Philip, insisted on 
marrying his cousin Berengere of Castile. The 
Pope found it His duty to unite the French 
pair, and to separate the Spaniards, conceding 
however reluctant legitimation to the offspring of 
the latter union. At another time, He had to 
warn the Duke of Brabant that his daughter 
Marie's marriage with King Otto would not be 
permitted, and to labour to secure the union of 
that monarch with Beatrix, the daughter of his 
rival. Again, it was necessary to marry the 
King of Sicily to a girl, Dona Costanza de 

123 The subjoined table shews clearly the deplorable system of 
inbreeding sanctioned by the Church in the Nineteenth Century. I 
have not thought it necessary to give details of the marriages of a 
similar consanguinity which have taken place in the Houses of 



Table H — FR, 



RAMIRO II = Agnes 



K. of Aragon 
"34- 1 137 



Acquit 



Alfonso I 
, of Toulouse 
1112-1148 



Raymond V 

'.. of Toulouse 

1148-1194 



petron: 

Q. of Ar 
"37-i 



ALF( 

K. of 
116: 



Constance = Frederick II 
K. of Sicily 
Emperor 
(See Table E 



Iolande, d. of — JJ 



Endre II 
K. of Hungary 



K. 



Blanca = Sanclio III 

K. of Castile 
"57-"S 8 



Ferdinand II 
K. of Leon 
1157-1188 



Eleanor = Alfonso Villi 

antagenet K. of Castile 

1158-1214 



Urraca of 
Portugal 



Enrique I 

K. of Castile 
1214-1217 



Berengere = Alfonso Villi 
K. of Leon 
1 1 88- 1 230 



III 

istile 
5 2 



= Ethisa John de Brienne = Berenj 

Beatrix K. of Jerusalem 

of Swabia and Co-Emp. 

of Romania 
(See Table C) 
{See Table E) 



Table H— FRANCE, ARAGON, CASTILE AND LEON 



Raymond IIII 

C. of Toulouse 

1088-1105 



K. of Aragor 
1 1 34- 1 137 



C. of Tripolis 
1109-1112 



Pons 

C. of Tri polis 

ni2-rr37 



1108 -1137 



Adelaide, d. of 

Humbert II 
C. of Maurienne 



Acquiiaine 



PETRONELLA 

Q. of Aragon 



Raymon Berenguer III - Maria, d. cf Rodrigo 



Count of Barcelona 
1082-1130 



RAYMON BERENGUER 

C. of Barcelona 

1 1 30-1 162 

K. of Aragon 

1151-1162 



Alfonso VIII 

K. of Castile 
and Leon 



Diaz de Bivar, the 
Cid Campeador 



Berengere 



LOUIS VII = 

King of France 



Eleonor, Hss. of = 


Henry II 


Acquitaine 


Fitzempress 




[See Table F) 



Alexios II = Agnes = Andronikos II 
{See Table B) 



Raymond I Ingebiorg = PHILIP II = Isabella 

C. of Tripolis of Denmark The August of Hainault 

1137-1151 1180-1223 



1148-1194 



ALFONSO II 

K. of Aragon 
1162-1196 



LOUIS VII = Constance 



rianlagenet 



Raymond II 

C. of Tripolis 

1151-1187 



LOUIS VIII = Blan 
K. of Fran. 



Raymond VII 

C. of Toulouse 

1218-1249 



Frederick II 

K. of Sicily 

Emperor 

{See Table E) 



FEYRE II = Marie, d. of 
K. of Aragon Guillaume VII 
,. of Mont- 
pellier 



Alfonso II 

C. of Provenc 

1 196-1209 



Garcia IIII 

K. of Navarre 
1:34-1150 



Henry II 
Fitzempress 
{See Table F) 



Sun. I10 in 

K. of Castile 
1:57-1:58 



Ferdinand II = Urracaof 
K. of Leon Portugal 

:.S7-t:88 



Raymond = Beatrix of 



nger IIII 
i209-:245 



Savoy 



Eleanor 
Plantagenet 



SAINT LOUIS Villi = Margaret of 
IC. of France 
1226-1270 



Alfonso = Jeanne 

C. and Ctss. of Toulouse 

1249- 1271 



Iolande, d. of = JAYME I 



Endn 
K. of Hunga 



K. of Aragon 
13-1276 



Margaret = ST. LOUIS 



LOUS VIII 



PHILIP III = Isabella 

K. of France I 
1270-1285 



PEYRE III 

K. of Aragon 

1276-1285 



King of Le6n 
:230-:252 



Edward I = Eleano 
Longshanks 



Ethisa 
Beatrix 

ol Su.lhi.l 



John de Brienne = Berengere 
K. of Jerusalem 

and Co-Enip. 
of Romania 

{See Table C) 

{See Table E) 



Iolande = Alfonso X, King ol 
Castile and Leon 
1252-1284 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 191 

Aragon, who could bring a dowry of men-at-arms 
to save the bridegroom's kingdom from disrup- 
tion. The newly recognized King of Bohemia 
wished to be rid of his wife, who was no longer 
the daughter of the elect-emperor. Even the 

Braganca, Savoy, Este and Rohan within the last hundred years : 
but the Dowager Duchessa d'Aosta, whose husband was her uncle 
is still alive. 



Joao, V. 
K. of 
Portugal 



Felipe V, 1700-1724 = Isabella Farnese 
1724-1746 



»RO III, 
ing of 
rtugal 



Josef = Maria 
Anna 



Maria I, 
Queen of 
Portugal 



Filippo, Duke of = Marie de Carlos III = Amelia of 



Parma 



Fiance 1759-1788 



Saxony- 
Poland 



Louisa Maria 



Carlos IIII 

1788-1808 

d. 1819 



Maria Carolina = Ferdinando I, 



Adss. of 
Austria 



King of the 

Two Sicilies 

1 759-1825 



Joao VI, = Charlotta 
King of 
Portugal 



Maria = Francesco I, 
King of the 
Two Sicilies 
1825-1830 



xos = Francesca Isabella — Fernando VII = Christina Isabella — Francisco 



1808, 
1814-1833 



Louisa 



de Paula 



rlos Juan 



Carlos 

Duke of Madrid 



Isabella II = Francisco de Assiz 
1833-1868 
d. 1904 



Alfonso XII 
1875-1885 



192 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

King of Aragon, crowned by the Pope Himself, 
and much trusted, had to be denied when he 
applied for leave to get rid of his wife. 124 

If the Lord Innocent were stern in command- 
ing and insisting that the Church's laws should 
be respected, He was at least diplomatic in His 
treatment of princes who obeyed Him. While 
He was as austere as any moralist might wish 
in rebuking sin and resisting sinful unions or 
disunions, He was more lenient and more just 
than are modern law makers, in that He did not 
visit the sins of guilty parents on their innocent 
children. He invariably legitimated the offspring 
of these disputed unions, and declared them 
capable of succession : e.g. the children of Agnes 
of Meran and of Berengere of Castile. 

The first action which the Pope took in the 
matter of Queen Ingebiorg, was in His epistle of 
xvii May 1198. King Philip the August had 
repudiated her on the morrow of her marriage ; 
and had " re-married " Agnes of Meran. Innocent 
compelled the king to separate himself from Agnes, 
by means of an Interdict, Sept. 1198, though 
Philip flatly refused to live with his true wife. 
Agnes's children were legitimated on ii Nov. 1201. 
There had been a short-lived reconciliation with 
Queen Ingebiorg in the summer of 1200: but the 
king had been so disgusted that he clapped her in 

124 Cf. The Bull Cum Quanta Gloria, xvii Jun. 1206, and Inno- 
cent's Epistle, containing refusal of divorce, dated xviiii Jan. 1213. 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 193 

prison ; and not till 1 2 1 2 did he restore her con- 
jugal rights. During this time, Innocent issued 
ten epistles to Philip, solely on the subject of his 
ill-used Queen, and referred to the matter in several 
others addressed both to him and to the French 
bishops. At the same time His Paternity very 
frequently wrote to console the injured consort : 
but it is impossible to say whether the tardy justice, 
which at length accrued, was due to pontifical 
admonition or to the king's own inclinations. 

While at one time Innocent the Third had to 
watch over the interests of a wronged Ingebiorg, 
an orphaned Frederick, or a persecuted clergy, at 
other times He had to protect a weakened kingdom, 
to reduce an arrogant monarch to subjection, while 
simultaneously keeping His house in order in 
Rome. Yet, amid turmoil, pressure of work, and 
conflicting interests of person, family, politics, and 
the clergy, which were always claiming the pontiffs 
attention, Innocent was able to spare time, never- 
theless, for interference on behalf of the outcasts of 
Asia and the trampled worms of Europe, the Jews. 
Out of all law, excepting the King's will, the Jews 
were permitted to grow rich by that usury which 
they alone (according to the Church's teaching) 
might practise, 125 in order that (when the time 
was ripe) they might be squeezed financially (and 
sometimes physically) for the royal benefit. Not- 

125 In a letter to the Bishop of Modena, embodied in Innocent's 
Decretals, He defines the limits of usury. 

N 



i 9 4 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

withstanding the horribly blasphemous secret rites 
to which they seem to have been addicted at that 
period, Innocent tried to prevent Christian resent- 
ment from degenerating into indiscriminate or 
habitual carnage. He saved the Jews from torment 
in Paris, from imprisonment and dangerous favour 
in Castile, 126 and He prohibited the favourite popular 
pastime of compulsory baptism for Jews. On xv 
Sept. 1 199, He wrote : — 

" Let no Christian by violence compel them [the 
Jews] to come dissentient or unwilling to baptism. 
Further let no Christian venture maliciously to 
harm their persons without a judgement of the 
Civil Power, or carry off their property, or change 
the good customs which they have had hitherto 
in that district which they inhabit." 127 

In dealing with Norway, the Lord Innocent's 
chief task was to terminate the civil disorders con- 
sequent upon the disputed succession to the throne. 
Three usurpers — Ion Kurling, Sigurdr, and Ingi, — 
had fought for the Crown from 1185 to I2 °2, when, 
owing to the action of the Archbishop of Trondhjem 
the apostolic ablegate, three legitimate sovereigns 
(Haakon II II, Guthorm, and Ingi II) reigned in 
succession. The Pope had also to keep an eye on 

126 Cf. epistle to King Alfonso VIII of Castile, v May 1205. 
(Appendix VI.) 

127 Ut nullus Christianus invitos vel nolentes eos ( ludaeos) ad 
baptismum per violentiam venire compellat. Nullus etiam Christianus 
sine potestatis terre iudicio personas eorum nequiter ledere vel res 
eorum violenter auferre presumat aut bonus quas hactenus in ea in 
qua habitant regione habuerint consuetudines immutare. 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 195 

Sweden, 128 where the Church was less privileged 
than elsewhere. Among a people still so largely 
pagan as the Swedes, it was a matter of consider- 
able importance to secure the clergy from being 
haled before lay courts. An Epistle on the sub- 
ject was sent to King Sverker II, xii Jan. 1206. 

In Denmark, the Pope had to interfere in the 
case of the ambitious bastard, Bishop Valdimar, 
who aspired to the Crown. 129 

In Hungary, when the royal power was at a 
very low ebb, the Lord Innocent had to inter- 
fere for the double purpose of protecting King 
Imre from his brother Endre, and the Bishop 
of Waipen from the King. In the same year 
(1203) He had also to protect the brother 
from the King, and the King from the results of 
the quarrel for precedence between the wealthy 
and powerful archbishops of Gran and Kolocz. 
The Pope was able, however, to induce Imre 
to take the Cross ; and was obliged to upbraid 
the Venetians most bitterly when they attacked 
Zara, which was in the dominions (so the King 
asserted) of a crusading prince. It was the King 
of Hungary, moreover, who was opposed at first to 

128 Sweden was still very much of an outpost of Christendom ; and 
occasionally suffered reverses at the hands of the very pagans whom 
she tried to convert, both in the upland country and in Finland. A 
heathen foray, in which the Wends destroyed Sigtuna, led to the 
formation of the present capital called by the crusading King Knut I 
Stoke Holm — the Island of the Pious. 

129 Letters to King Valdimar II, Jan. 1206, Mar. 1208, and to 
Elect-emperor Otto, ii Jul. 1209. (Appendix VI.) 



i 9 6 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

the Lord Innocent's Bulgarian policy. He, how- 
ever, having no strong foundation of power at home 
on which to stand, gradually gave way ; and the 
Pope had the pleasure of bestowing — and the Tsar 
Kaloyan of receiving — a royal crown and sceptre, 
together with the kingly title over Bulgaria, the 
right to strike money, and a primacy for the Arch- 
bishop of Tyrnovo, who was to crown him. The 
new Primate had to swear : To be faithful and 
obedient to St. Peter, the Holy Roman Church, 
the Lord Innocent, and all His Catholic successors, 
to undertake nothing detrimental to Their life or 
liberty, to advise no man to Their hurt, to maintain 
the honour, dignity, and rights of the Apostolic 
See, to attend councils when summoned, to exact 
the same oath from all bishops, and to make all the 
kings of Bulgaria swear before coronation that 
they, their people, and their kingdom would be 
devoted to the Holy See. This was the result of 
the union of Bulgaria with the Roman Church ; and 
the Pope could congratulate Himself on a genuine 
triumph on the banks of the Danube. The Bul- 
garians indeed, with the hankering of the savage 
for the gorgeous, and suffering apparently from 
the same megalomania which prompted decadent 
Byzantion to compensate each successive loss of 
power by a fresh inflation of titles — (Sebastos, — 
Protosebastos — Sebastokrator — Panhypersebastos) 
— took the proverbial ell instead of the proffered 
inch. Having obtained an insight into the value 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 197 

of hierarchical dignities from the unwillingness of 
the Pope to grant them too high an ecclesiastical 
precedence, they bourgeoned out into all the glory 
of a Tsardom with its concomitant of a Patriarchate 
instead of being content with mere Kingship and 
Primacy accorded to them by the Lateran. This 
piece of impertinence would appear to have passed 
unnoticed for some time as, seemingly, there was 
no person in the Lateran sufficiently versed in the 
barbarisms of the Bulgarian language to know what 
that people were saying about the difference in the 
value of titles when pronounced in that tongue. 

It is a far cry from the Danube to the Shannon, 
yet the Pope in His eagle-eyed purview of even the 
limits of Christendom found time to rebuke the 
petty King of Connaught 13 for violating the rights 
of sanctuary during some of the perennial dis- 
turbances in the West. This chieftain, by strict 
obedience to the papal will, was considered to 
have deserved so well of the Lateran that he 
was honoured with an individual invitation to 
attend the Oecumenical Council. 131 

Even before His election to the Supreme 
Pontificate, the Lord Innocent had advocated an 
Oecumenical Council; and, at last, in 1215, He 
was able to open the session of the Fourth of 
Lateran, before which He deigned to discuss 
many of His troubles. The invitations were 

130 Letter to King of Connaught Sept. 1200. 

131 Ibid, xviiii Apr. 12 13. 



198 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

issued in rather a curious way, and some re- 
markably phantastic persons were summoned, 
e.g. the kings of Lumbricia, Corkaia, and Min- 
diensia. This epoch-marking assemblage was 
very numerously attended, by the Patriarch 
Rudolf of Jerusalem, two rival soi-disant Patri- 
archs of Constantinople, the Maronite Patriarch, 
Jonas of Antioch (an ex-heresiarch), seventy-one 
archbishops, (among whom was Rodrigo of 
Toledo, the Mezzofanti of the Council), four 
hundred and twelve bishops, nine hundred 
abbots, priors, archpriests and other clerks, all 
the Grandmasters (either in person or by proxy), 
ambassadors from an emperor, an ex-emperor, 
and an elect-emperor, envoys from the Kings of 
England, France, Aragon, Hungary, and Cyprus, 
and so many other persons that the unhappy 
Archbishop of Amain perished from suffocation 
in the crowd, and one authority states that three 
other bishops met with similar disaster. Seventy- 
two additions to Canon Law were the work of 
this Council. The new Canon of the Mass (as 
revised largely by the Pope Himself) was 
adopted : several heresies and their inventors were 
condemned ; and it was made a crime, entailing 
the minor excommunication latae sententiae, to 
preach without episcopal license. The Council 
also dealt with a vast number of subjects, such 
as the Faith, the Divine Office, the Constitution 
of the Church, Morals, Position of Clerks in 



OTHER ACTS OF INNOCENT 199 

judicial matters, the rights of Jews, and the 
corporeal appearance and the precise status of 
Angels. It also delivered judgment upon Count 
Raymond of Toulouse, deciding therein that the 
Comtat Venaissin was to become an appanage 
of the Church. 132 It also reported in favour of 
the newly devised Mendicant Orders of Preach- 
ing Friars, the Grey and the Black — now 
known as the Religions of Saint Francis and 
of Saint Dominic. The Acts or Canons of the 
Council were translated into Greek, according to 
precedent. 

The Lord Innocent had looked forward to 
this Council as being the culminating point of 
His life; and, in His choice of a text for the 
sermon which He preached before the first 
session, He indicated a prevision of His ap- 
proaching end. 

132 This is the name for the territory of Avignon which remained a 
Papal city until the French Revolution, and was (as such) claimed by 
the Holy See at the Congress of Vienna. 



CHAPTER X 

CONCERNING THE CHARACTER OF INNOCENT 
THE THIRD 

Faithful — Just — Patient — Persistent — Honourable — Strict — Diplo- 
matic — Respectable — Forgiving — Friendly — Opinion of Brother 
Salimbene, a Friar Minor — Innocent's personal appearance — 
Innocent the Great — Vicar of Christ — His versatility — A great 
letter-writer — His sermons — His motto — Jul. 1216, Death of 
Innocent the Third 

Perhaps the main characteristic of Innocent the 
Third was His lifelong fervence for the Faith, 
and single-hearted ardour for God-service. He 
was just — in an age of oppression and perjury. 
He was patient, and more prompt to see good 
in Man than evil. He could, and did, most man- 
fully persist in any scheme of policy, when he 
considered it duteous so to do. Honourable and 
strict in his engagements, He was in no way a 
timid politician, but rather a brilliant diplomatist. 
If He made a mistake at all in statecraft, it was 
the mistake of believing other people to be as 
capable as Himself, and this led Him to trust 
overmuch to the senses and the judgments of 
the inferior persons whom (for want of better) 
He was compelled to use as His legates. His 



CHARACTER OF INNOCENT 201 

parts were such, that He would have been dis- 
tinguished in almost any career, and, as Supreme 
Pontiff, it cannot be said that He missed any of 
the more salient opportunities which were afforded 
for showing of what character His metal was. 
Though he was not invariably obeyed, He cer- 
tainly was respected by His Romans : while, 
from recalcitrant foreigners, He actually did exact 
a very satisfactory measure of submission. He 
presented a mitre and an emerald ring to every 
bishop who visited the Threshold of the Apostles. 
He never showed any hesitation in pardoning 
His enemies (who, by-the-bye, were always 
the enemies of the Church as well). He was 
fast in His friendships : though friendship was 
never allowed to blunt the biting edge of 
pontifical admonition for the good of the soul of 
a friend. 

Brother Salimbene di Adamo 153 says of the Lord 
Innocent : — " The Church flourished and throve 
in His days, holding the lordship over the 
Roman Empire and over all the kings and 
princes of the whole world. Yet this Pope 
sowed the seeds of the cursed dissensions be- 
tween Church and Empire, with His chosen 
Emperors Otto the Fourth and Frederick the 
Second, whom He exalted and entitled son of 
the Church : but herein He may be excused that 

133 Cf. the translation of Br. Salimbene's Chronicle [1221-1288] 
in Mr. Coulton's "From Saint Francis to Dante? 1906, pp. 255-6. 



202 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

He meant well. And note that the Pope was 
a bold man and stout of heart. For once He 
measured on His Own person the Seamless Coat 
of the Lord : and He thought how the Lord 
must have been of small stature : yet, when He 
had put on the Coat, it seemed too great for 
Him : so He feared and venerated the relic as 
was seemly. Moreover, He would sometimes 
keep a book before Him when He preached to 
the people ; and, when His chaplains asked Him 
why He did this, being so wise and learned a 
man, He would answer and say, 'I do it for 
your sakes, to give you an example : for ye are 
ignorant and yet ashamed to learn.' Moreover 
He was a man although, as the poet saith, He 
mingled His business at times with mirth. He 
corrected and reformed the Church services, add- 
ing matter of His own and taking away some 
that others had composed : yet even now it is 
not well ordered, as many would have it and as 
real truth requires." 

Other contemporary writers speak of Him as : — 
" vir summe litterature et eloquentie, vir alti 
cordis et alti concilii : 134 

litteratura clarissimus et facundie singularis : 135 
vir clari ingenii, magne probitatis et sapientie 
Cui nullus secundus tempore Suo : 136 



134 Lambertus Parvus, Chronicon, V 56. 

135 Chronicon Turonense, V 1057. 

136 Rigordus, Gesta Philippi Angus ti, V 60. 






CHARACTER OF INNOCENT 203 

per vite merita et sapientie magnitudinem Inno- 
centius meruit appellari : 137 

nee similem Sui scientia facundia decretorum et 
legum peritia strenuitat : iudiciorum nee adhuc 
visus est habere sequentum : 138 

multum varius Papa : 139 

vir strenuus et litteratus et Qui in multis causis 
honori et utilitate ecclesie cognoscitur profuisse : 140 

gloriosus U1 fuit in omnibus factis Suis : 142 

fuerat pusillus statura sed pulcher, sapientis- 
simus in trivio et quadrivio 143 in theologia ceteris 
prestantior ingenio velocissimus eloquentissimus 
facundus lingua expeditissimus vox Eius sonora 
et si suppresse proferebatur audiebatur ab omnibus 
et intelligebatur. Aspectus Eius reverebatur ab 
universis et timebatur : 144 

vir magnificus et prudens cuius magnanimitas et 
constantia super alios homines excellebat : 145 

fuit vir perspicacio ingenii et tenacis memoriae 
in divinis et humanis litteris eruditus sermone jam 
vulgari quam literali discretus — statura mediocris 

137 Honorius P.P. Ill, First Encyclical. 

138 Chronicon St. Pet, III 242. 

139 Chro?iicon Mon. St. Albans. 

140 Chronicon Montis Sereni. 

141 Gloriosus must be taken in its mediaeval and not in its classical 
sense. 

142 Chronicon ex Pantheo. 

143 The Seven Liberal Arts of the Middle Ages, Grammar, Logic, 
Rhetoric, and Music, Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy, were called 
respectively trivio and quadrivio. 

144 Annibale Mariotti, I c. 423. 

145 Annal. S. Iustinae Patav. xix 151. 



20 4 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

et decorus aspectu, medius inter prodigalitatem et 
avaritiam sed in eleemosynis et victualibus magis 

largus severus contra rebelles et contu- 

maces sed benignus erga humiles et devotos 

Fidei defensor et haeresis expugnator, in iustitia 
rigidos, sed in misericordia pius, humilis in prosperis 
et patiens in adversis." 146 

Regarding Innocent's personal appearance, the 
picture in the Sacro Speco at Subiaco shews Him 
with ears outstanding from an oval face, the eyes 
close together and slightly oblique in regard, the 
long thin nose of the dominator, over the minute 
mouth of the ascetic depressed at the corners, the 
large strong chin and the wrinkled brow of the 
statesman. 

Innocent the Third was a good strong man, a 
brilliant statesman, and a great Pope ; and, in the 
main, successful in the results of His pontificate. 
No one knows why He is not known in history 
by Albert von Beham's appellation, Innocentius 
Magnus : for He is one of the few Pontiffs (or men 
either, for that matter) who have sufficient force of 
character, coupled with perseverance and acumen, 
to be great even were they taken out of their 
century, and set down in some other period of 
History. Those who love watching a contest 
between great men, will regret that history never 
can tell how the Lord Innocent would have dealt 
with King Henry VIII Tudor, the Kaiser Charles 

148 Raynaldus. 






CHARACTER OF INNOCENT 205 

V, the Emperor Napoleon I, or with the various 
forces (including the Company of Jesus) which 
were concerned during the last century in the 
making of Italia Unica e Libera. 

It would not be sane for His panegyrist to deny 
that Innocent the Third was proud. The fact is 
categorically recorded. He was a haughty pontiff 
in the first intention of the term — not in or for 
Himself, but in virtue of His office. From His 
desire to magnify the power and glorify the prestige 
of the Apostolic See, He used the title of Vicar of 
Christ, 147 and applied the name Crusade (which 
hitherto had borne a definite and local meaning) 
to military expeditions undertaken at His command 
for the benefit of the Church. 

Possessed of an immense fund of tireless energy, 
the Lord Innocent could not fail to be an active 
man : yet the subjoined itinerary of the entire 
pontificate will shew how often He denied Himself 
a summer villegiatura> and mewed Himself up in 
Rome, when He found that the press of public work 

147 It was on His assumption of this title, that (for some reason or 
other) the Lord Innocent obtained the reputation of being an in- 
terpreter of dreams ; and people were used to come from all parts of 
Italy demanding explanations of their nightmares. The following 
note from Maitland's Dark Ages (p. 424) may perhaps take the wind 
out of the sails of those who regard the title "Vicar of Christ" as a 
piece of pontifical impertinence : — 

"Jacobus de Vitriaco (who wrote early in the Thirteenth Century) 
says ' Ipsa terra Jerosolymitana patriarcham habet, qui et fidei peritps 
et Christianorum pater et Vicarius Jesus Christi] Hist. Orient, ap. 
Mart. iii. 227. Solomon, too, Bishop of Constance (Ninth Century), 
addressed Bishop Dado ' Discrete Antistes, venerande Vicarie Christi! 
Bib. Par. supp. ii. 825." 



A^ 



206 



INNOCENT THE GREAT 



demanded this sacrifice. It also 
idea of the Pope's movements 
throughout H is reign : — 



affords a clear 
and residences 



First Letter 


Last Letter 


From 


1 198 Jan. viii 


. Jul. XV 


. Rome. 


Jul. xix 


. Aug. xv 


. Riete. 


Aug. xxi 


. Sep. ix 


. Spoleto. 


Sep. xi . 


. Sep. xxvi 


. Perugia. 


Oct. ii . 


. Oct. iv 


. Todi. 




Oct. v 


. Amelia. 


Oct. vi 


. Oct. xii 


. Civita Castellana. 


Oct. xvi 


Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 


1 199 Jan. i . 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 


1200 Jan. i . 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 


1201 Jan. i . 


. Jul. iii 


. Rome. 


Jul. xi . 


. Oct. i 


. Segni. 


Oct. v . 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Anagni. 


1202 Jan. i . 


. Feb. xxi 


. Anagni. 


Feb. xxvii 


. Jul. XV 


. Rome. 


Aug. vi 


. Sep. v 


. Subiaco. 


Sep. xiv 


. Oct. ix 


. Velletri. 


Oct. xxix 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 


1203 Jan. i . 


. Apr. xxx 


. Rome. 


May iii 


. May xi 


. Palestrina. us 


May xiv 


. Sep. xv 


. Ferentino. 


{The Pope wo 


s ill and wrote no 


letters for xxiv days.) 


Oct. ix 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Anagni. 


1204 Jan. i . 


. Mar. vi 


. Anagni. 


Mar. xiii 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 


1205 Jan. i . 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 


1206 Jan. i . 


. May xi 


. Rome. 


May xiv 


. Sep. xii 


. Ferentino. 


Sep. xx 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 


148 This was the 


ccasion of the Pope's 


light from insurgent Rome. 



CHARACTER OF INNOCENT 207 



First Letter 


Last Letter 


From 


1207 Jan. i . 


. May xxix 


. Rome. 


May xxxi 


. Jul. xxiv 


. Viterbo. 


Jul. xxvii 


. Aug. viii 


. Montefiascone. 149 


Aug. ix 


. Oct. xii 


. Viterbo. 


Oct. xv 


Oct. xix 


. Toscanella. 


Oct. xxiii 


. Nov. viii 


. Corneto. 


Nov. xiii 


. Nov. xv 


. Sutri. 150 


Nov. xvii 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 


1208 Jan. i . 


. May xv 


. Rome. 


May xv 


. Jun. xvi 


. Anagni. 


Jun. xvi 


. Jun. xvii 


. Piperno. 151 


Jun. xviii 


. Jun. xix 


. Fossanova. 152 


Jun. xix 


. Jun. xx 


. Castro San Lo- 
renzo. 


Jun. xx 


. Jun. xxi 


. Castro di Volsci. 


Jun. xxi 


. Jun. xxii 


. Ceprano. 153 


Jun. xxii 


. Jul. xxv 


. San Germane 154 


Jul. XXV 


Jul. xxvi 


. Arce. 


Jul. xxvi 


. Sep. xxii 


. Sora. 155 


Oct. iv 


. Nov. xviii . 


. Ferentino. 


Nov. xxii 


. Dec. xxxi . 


. Rome. 


1209 Jan. i . 


. May xv 


. Rome. 


May xxv 


. Sep. xxv 


. Viterbo. 


Oct. iv . 


. Dec. xxxi . 


. Rome. 


1210 Jan. i . 


Dec. xxxi . 


. Rome. 



U9 Montefiascone is about 2\ m. due East of the southermost point of 
Lago Bolsena 

150 The Pope went via Rovertello. 

151 The Pope went through Alatri and Castrogiuliano. This would appear 
to be His longest day's journey — more than 30 miles over non-existent roads. 

152 Fossanova was then a monastery. It is now a station on the Rome- 
Terracina Railway. 

153 Ceprano, a border-town on Liris, which formed the Sicilian frontier. 

154 While at San Germano the Pope visited the great monastery of Monte 
Cassino. 

155 Sora was the county of His brother Richard, which the Emperor 
Frederick Stupor Mundi afterwards confiscated and gave to his bastard 
Frederick of Antioch. 



208 



INNOCENT THE GREAT 



First Letter 


Last Letter 


From 


1 21 1 Jan. i . 


. Aug. viii 


. Rome. 


Aug. xx 


. Sep. iii 


. Cry ptaf errata 


Sep. xxiv 


. Dec. xxxi . 


. Rome. 


i 21 2 Jan. i . 


. Jun. xv 


Rome. 


Jun. xxiii 


. Sep. xviii . 


. Segni. 


Sep. xxviii 


. Dec. xxxi . 


. Rome. 


i 2 13 Jan. i . 


. Jul. vi 


. Rome. 


Jul. xi . 


. Oct. xi 


. Segni. 


Oct. xxii 


. Dec. xxxi . 


. Rome. 


12 14 Jan. i . 


. May xxxi 


. Rome. 


Jun. xxiii 


. Sep. xix 


. Viterbo. 


Oct. xxvii 


Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 


1 2 15 Jan. i . 


. Jun. v 


. Rome. 


Jun. xvi . 


. Jul. xxxi 


. Ferentino. 


Aug. xxiv 


. Sep. xx 


. Anagni. 


Oct. viii 


. Dec. xxxi 


. Rome. 156 


1 2 16 Jan. i . 


. Apr. xiii 


. Rome. 


Apr. xviii 


. Apr. xx 


. Viterbo. 




Apr. xxix 


. Todi. 


May v . 


. May ix 


. Orvieto. 


May xi 


. May xiv 


. Todi. 


May xx 


. Jul. XV 


. Perugia. 157 



His method of action was curiously two-sided. 
At one moment, He would be controlling the 
destinies of Europe : at the next, composing 



156 The Pope returned to Rome in order to preside over the Lateran 
Council. 

157 From this it will be observed that the Lord Innocent spent no less 
than 155 months out of the 222 of His pontificate in Rome, where He 
divided His time between the Vatican and the Lateran, very much in favour 
of the latter, which was regarded as the official residence, and seems to have 
been more readily capable of defence than the Vatican, a comparatively 
small building chiefly used as the pontifical vestry for great ceremonies in 
Saint Peter's. 



CHARACTER OF INNOCENT 209 

glosses on the penitential psalms, criticizing the 
authenticity of ancient manuscripts, or inditing 
hymns to the Blessed Virgin. His facility as a 
letter-writer was quite extraordinary. It was his 
habit to keep His correspondents (as it were) in 
compartments, never letting one matter overlap or 
interfere with another. Thus, King Philip the 
August at one time was in peril of bringing inter- 
dict upon his kingdom for two several causes. 
The Lord Innocent could rebuke and praise almost 
in the same breath, certainly in the same letter ; 
and few men have achieved more in the gentle 
arts of making friends and enemies by writing 
letters. His knowledge of the scriptures was quite 
exhaustive, as may be seen in His sermons : which, 
for ingenious and fecund stringing-together of texts, 
suggest the fine old-fashioned style of evangelicals 
of the mid-Victorian era. 

A modern missionary bishop of the Midlands 
has had apparently nowhere else to go for his 
motto, but to the pagan Flaccus. The Holiness of 
the Lord Innocent was satisfied with Holy Writ. 
11 Fac mecum, D online, signum in bonum : " was the 
portion which He chose ; and while really trying to 
order His life and policy to this end, He tempered 
His actions rather with " Qui Me iudicat Dominus 
est" and " Ultra hominem" than with glucose re- 
iteration of " Servus servorum Dei:" though it 
cannot be denied that He worked very hard even 

in this last capacity. 

o 



210 INNOCENT THE GREAT 

He died on xvi Jul. 1216, 158 almost His last act 
being to make arrangements for a Fifth Crusade. 
So passed out of this life the Most Holy Lord 
Innocent the Third, in the fifty-sixth year of His 
age, and the nineteenth of His reign as God's 
Vicegerent upon earth. And He bore Arms, of 
His Tusculan House of Conti di Segni, gules, an 
argent-headed eagle displayed chequy sable and or, 
orientally crowned of the last. 

158 Primo tertianum passus et in brevi curatus . . . decidit in 
acutam quam cum multis diebus fovisset nee acitris quibus in magna 
quantitate et ex consuetudine vescebatur utpote illius aegritudinis 
ignarus nemine abstineret demum paralysii percussus ad ultimum in 
lethargium prolapsus vitam finivit. Cuius finis quia in multis negotiis 
rigorem nimium quam maxime accendere videbatur laetitiam potius 

quam tristitiam generavit subiectis 

Albericus. Chronicon Trium Fontium. 



FELICITER 




APPENDIX I 

THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS AT THE ELECTION 
OF POPE INNOCENT THE THIRD 

According to Ciacconius and Oldoinus, and Cristofori 

i. Ottaviano de' Poli, Vicarius in Ui;be, Cardinal-Bishop of 
Ostia and Velletri. 

2. Konrad von Wittelsbach, Archbishop of Mainz, Cardinal- 

Bishop of Sabina. 

3. Guillaume de Blois, Archbishop of Rheims, Cardinal-Bishop 

of Palestrina. 159 

4. Pietro Gallocia, Cardinal-Bishop of Porto and Santa Rufina. 

5. Pandolfo Masca da Pisa, Prior of Presbyters, Cardinal - 

presbyter of the title of Divv. XII Apostoli. 

6. Guillaume Blanchemain de Champagne, Cardinal-presbyter 

of the title of D. Sabina. 160 

7. Adelardo (degli Adelardi da Verona 161 ), Cardinal-presbyter of 

the title of D. Marcellus. 

8. Pietro da Piacenza, Cardinal-presbyter of the title of D. 

Cecilia. 162 

9. Ruggero, O.S.B., Cardinal-presbyter of the title of D. 

Eusebius. 163 
10. (Ridolfo Nigelli da Pisa 164 ), Cardinal-presbyter of the title of 

D. Praxede. 
n. Giordano da Ceccano, O.S.B., Cardinal-presbyter of the title 

of D. Pudentiana. 
12. (Giovanni Toscanella da Viterbo 165 ), Cardinal-presbyter of 

the title of D. Clemens. 

159 Ciac. omits this cardal : but Cristofori names him. 

160 Ciac. omits this cardal : but Crist, names him. 

161 Cf. Cristofori. 

162 J bm 163 fa 164 fa 165 fa 

211 



212 APPENDIX I 

13. (Guido Papareschi, O.S.B. 166 ), Cardinal-presbyter of the title 

of D. Maria Transtiberim. 

14. Bernardo (of the Canons Regular 167 ), Cardinal-presbyter of 

the title of D. Petrus ad Vinculo.. 

15. Uguccione Bobone Thieneo 168 ), Cardinal-presbyter of the 

title of Divv. Silvester et Martinus Equitj. 

16. Giovanni da Salerno, Cardinal -presbyter of the title of D. 

Stephanus in Monte Caelio. 

17. (Roffredo dell' Isola, O.S.B. 169 ), Cardinal-presbyter of the 

title of Divv. Marcellinus et Petrus. 

18. (Giovanni de' Conti di Segni e d' Anagni), Cardinal-presbyter 

of the title of D. Marcus. 170 

19. Cinzio (Cenci 171 ), Cardinal-presbyter of the title of D. 

Laurentius in Lucina. 

20. Giovanni (di Sampaolo Colonna), 172 Cardinal-presbyter of 

the title of D. Prisca. 

21. (Gratiano da Pisa), 173 Archdeacon, Cardinal-deacon of Divv. 

Cosmas et Damianus. 

22. (Gherardo Allucignoli), 174 Cardinal-deacon of D. Hadrianus 

in Foro. 

23. Gregorio Galgano da Santo Apostolo, Cardinal-deacon of 

D. Maria in Porticu Octaviae. 

24. Gregorio (di Crescenzo), Cardinal-deacon of Divv. Vitalis, 

Gervasius et Protasius. 175 

25. Gregorio (de' Alberti 176 ) da Monte Carello, Cardinal-deacon 

of D. Georgius in Velum Aureum. 

26. Lothario de' Conti di Segni e d' Anagni, Cardinal-deacon of 

Divv. Sergius et Bacchus. 177 

27. Niccolo, Cardinal -deacon of D. Maria in Cosmedin alias 

Schola Greca. 

166 Cf. Cristofori. * 67 lb. 168 lb. 169 lb. 17 ° lb. 

171 Ib . 172 fa 173 J bm 174 fa 175 fa 176 /£. 

177 This is a statement of Ciac. and Oldo. ; and it is the rank usually ascribed 
to Lothario at the date of his election to the pontificate. But Cristofori says, 
that, not only was he promoted from the cardinal-diaconate of Saints Sergius 
and Bacchus to that of Saint George in Velum Aureum, but that he actually 
had been cardinal-presbyter of the Title of Saint Pudentiana since 1190. 
This, of course, conflicts with Ciac. and Oldo., who name Giordano da 
Ceccano (cf 11 in foregoing category) as beneficiary of this Title in 1198. 




APPENDIX I 213 

28. Gregorio, Cardinal-deacon of D. Angelus in Foro Piscium. 

29. Bobo, Cardinal-deacon of D. Theodorus. 178 

30. (Pietro Capuano da Amalfi), 179 Cardinal-deacon of D. Maria 

in Via Lata. 

31. Cencio Savelli, Camerarius S.R.E., Cardinal-deacon of D. 

Lucia in Orphea, alias Silice. 180 

32. (Egidio Pierleoni, Cardinal-deacon of D. Nicholaus in Carcere 

Tulliano.) 1S1 

178 Cristofori says that Ugode' Geremei was Cardinal-deacon of St. Theodore 
at this date. He also records that a "Bobone" Orsini, or a "Bosone" 
d' Aries, was Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of St. Anastasia in the year of 
Pope Innocent's election. It is not easy to reconcile the authorities. 

179 Cristofori. 

180 This cardinal subsequently became Pope under the name of Honorius 
the Third. 

" l Cristofori. 



APPENDIX II 

THE CREATURES OF POPE INNOCENT 
THE THIRD 

According to Ciacconius and Oidoinus, and Cristofori 

First Creation, Dec. 1198 

1. Ugolino de' Conti di Segni e d' Anagni, (Pontifical Nephew,) 

Cardinal-deacon of D. Eustachius. 182 

2. Gerard, (9th Abbot of the Cistercians of Pontigny), Car- 

dinal-deacon of D. Nicholaus in Careers Tulliano. 

Second Creation, Pentecost, 1199 
(Promotions only) 

Third Creation, Dec. 1200 

1. Benedetto, (?)... Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. 

Susanna. 

2. Leone Brancaleone, (Canon Regular,) Cardinal-deacon of 

D. Lucia in VII Soliis. 

3. Matteo, (?)... Cardinal-deacon of D. Theodoras. 183 

4. Giovanni de' Conti d' Anagni, . . . Cardinal-deacon of D. 

Maria in Cosmedin alias Schola Greca. 

182 Tin S cardinal subsequently became Pope under the name of Gregory the 
Ninth. 

183 Cristofori knows nothing of this Matteo : but distinctly says that Gio- 
vanni Malabranca occupied the cardinal-diaconate of Saint Theodore till 
1206, when he was succeeded by Gregorio de' Crescenzi, a Canon Regular : 

but cf. the Fifth Creation. 

214 






APPENDIX II 215 

Fourth Creation, Mar. 1205 

1. Niccolo (da Chiaramonte, O.S.B. Cist. 184 ) . . . Cardinal- 

bishop of Tusculum. 185 

2. Rogerio, (?)... Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. 

Anastasia. 

3. Wido Pierleoni, . . . Cardinal-deacon of D. Nicholaus in 

Carcere Tulliano. 

4. Johannes, formerly Subdeacon of S.R.E., Cardinal-deacon 

of D. Maria in Via Lata. 

5. Pietro da Mora, Subdeacon S.R.E., Cardinal-deacon of D. 

Angelus in Foro Piscium. 

6. (Giacomo Guala de Beccaria, a Canon Regular, 186 ) Cardinal- 

deacon of D. Maria in Porticu Octaviae, 

7. Pietro de' Conti di Campagna, Abb. Cass. O.S.B. . . . 

Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. Laurentius in 
Damaso. 

Fifth Creation, Dec. 1206 

1. Ottaviano de' Conti di Segni e d' Anagni, Pontifical Nephew, 

Cardinal-deacon of Divv. Sergius et Bacchus. 

2. Gregorio de' Crescenzi, a Canon Regular, Cardinal-deacon of 

D. Maria in Aguiro. 187 

3. Giovanni, a priest of the pontifical chapel, Cardinal-deacon 

of Divv. Cosmas et Damianus. 

4. Pelagio de' Galvani, O.S.B., Cardinal-deacon of D. Lucia 

in VII Soliis. 

5. Siegfried von Eppstein, Archbishop of Maintz, Cardinal- 

presbyter of the Title of D. Sabina. 18S 

6. Ildebrando Cajetani, Cardinal-deacon of D. Eustachius. 

Sixth Creation, Dec. 1207 

1. Pietro Sasso d' Anagni, . . . Cardinal-presbyter of the Title 
of D. Pudentiana Pastoris. 

184 Cristofori. 185 i.e. Frascati. 186 Cristofori. 

187 Thus Ciac. and Oldo., but Cristofori assigns him the Cardinal-diaconate 
of Saint Theodore. 

188 Cristofori places this creation in I2H. 



216 APPENDIX II 

2. (Uberto da Terzago, . . . Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of 

D. Stephanus in Monte Caeiio. 189 ) 

3. Angelo, (?), . . . Cardinal -deacon of D. Hadrianus in Foro. 

4. Mauro, (?), bishop of Ameria in Umbria, Cardinal-presbyter 

of the Title of (?). 



Seventh Creation, 121 i 

1. Johannes, 190 (?)... Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. 

Praxede. 

2. (Benedetto, (?), . . . Cardinal- bishop of Porto and Santa 

Rufina.) 

3. Gregorio, (?), . . . Cardinal-bishop of Sabina. 

4. Gherardo da Sessa, Cist., Cardinal-bishop of Albano. 191 

5. Goffredo, (or Siffredo), (?), Legate to the Holy Land, 

Patriarch of Jerusalem, Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of 
D. Praxede. 

6. Gaultier (?), Legate against Gallic nonconformists, Cardinal- 

deacon of D. Maria in Porticu Octaviae. 



Eighth Creation, Dec. 1212 

1. Stefano da Ceccano, O.S.B., Cardinal-deacon of D. Angelus 

in Foro Piscium. 

2. Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, Cardinal- 

presbyter of the Title of D. Chrysogonus. 

3. Gregorio Theodoli, Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. 

Anastasia. 

4. Pierre de Douai, Cardinal-deacon of D. Maria in Aquiro. 

5. Raniero Capocci, a Cistercian, Cardinal-deacon of D. Maria 

in Cosmedin> alias Schola Greca. 

6. Bonaventura (Papareschi 192 ), Cardinal-deacon of D. Angelus 

in Foro Piscium. 193 

189 Cristofori. 

190 Cristofori calls this cardinal- presbyter Enrico Sifredo Cajetani da Pisa. 

191 Cristofori supplies the date of this creation. 

192 Cristofori. 

193 This is the second cardinal-deacon created for this cardinal-diaconate at 
this creation, apparently. Cf. Seventh Creation, Nos. 1 and 5. 



APPENDIX II 217 

7. Tommaso (del Vescovo da Capua 194 ), Cardinal-presbyter of 

the Title of D. Sabina. 

8. Bertramo, (?) Cardinal-deacon of D. Georgius in Velum 

Aureum. 

9. Stefano de' Conti, Pontifical Nephew : Canon of Bayeux, 195 

Cardinal-deacon of D. Hadrianus in Foro. 
10. Robert Curson, Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. 

Stephanus in Monte Caelio. 
ix. Raniero da Orvieto, a Canon Regular, Cardinal-deacon of 

D. Lucia in Silice alias Orphea. 
12. Giandomenico (Trinci 196 ), Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of 

D. Cyriacus in Thermis. 

194 Cristofori. 

195 lb. (de Normandis). 

196 lb. 



APPENDIX III 

THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS AT THE DEATH 
OF POPE INNOCENT THE THIRD 

According to Ciacconius and Oldoinus, and Cristofori 

i. Niccolo (da Chiaramonte, O.S.B. Cist. 197 ), Cardinal-bishop of 
Tusculum. 198 

2. Guido Papareschi, Cardinal-bishop of Praeneste. 199 

3. Ugolino de' Conti di Segni e d' Anagni, Cardinal-bishop of 

Ostia and Velletri. 

4. Benedetto, (?) Cardinal-bishop of Porto and Santa Rufina. 

5. Pelagio de' Galvani, O.S.B. , Cardinal-bishop of Albano. 200 

6. Cinzio Cenci, Prior of Presbyters, Cardinal-presbyter of the 

Title of D. Laurentius in Lucina. 

7. Cencio Savelli, Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of Diw. 

Johannes et Paulus Pammachj. 

8. Leone (Brancaleone 201 ), Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of 

D. Croce in Hierusalem. 

9. Pietro Sassa d' Anagni, Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of 

D. Pudentiana. 

10. Giacomo Guala de Beccaria, Cardinal-presbyter of the Title 

of Diw. Silvester et Martinus Equitj. 

11. Giovanni, (?) Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. Praxede. 

12. Robert Curson, Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. 

Stephanus in Monte Caelio. 

197 Cristofori. 198 i.e. Frascati. 199 i.e. Palestrina. 

200 But Cristofori asserts that Gherardo da Sessa, O.S.B. Cist., occupied the 
suburban see of Albano from 121 1 to 1220, and that Pelagio de' Galvani of 
the same Religion (having ascended from the cardinal-diaconate of Saint 
Lucy in VII Soliis to the cardinal-presby terate of the Title of Saint Cecilia) 
succeeded Gherardo in the Alba Longan Chair in 122 1. 

201 Cristofori. 



APPENDIX III 219 

13. Stefano da Ceccano, O.S.B., Cardinal-presbyter of the Title 

of Divv. XII Apostoli. 

14. Stephen Langton, Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. 

Chrysogonus. 

15. Gregorio Theodoli, Cardinal-presbyter of the Title of D. 

Anastasia. 

16. Pietro de' Conti di Campagna, Abb. Cass. O.S.B., Cardinal- 

presbyter of the Title of D. Laurentius in Datnaso. 

17. Tommaso (del Vescovo da Capua 202 ), Cardinal-presbyter of 

the Title of S. Sabina. 

18. Guido da Bisenzo, Archdeacon, Cardinal-deacon of D. 

Nicholaus in Carcere Tulliano. 203 

19. Ottaviano de' Conti di Segni e d' Anagni, Cardinal-deacon 

of Divv. Sergius et Bacchus. 

20. Johannes, (?) ex-subdeacon S.R.E., Cardinal-deacon of D. 

Maria in Via Zata. 20i 

21. Gregorio de Crescenzi, Cardinal-deacon of D. Theodorus. 

22. Giovanni, (?) Cardinal-deacon of Divv. Cosmas et Damianus. 

23. Raniero Capocci, Cardinal-deacon of D. Maria in Cosmedin, 

alias Schola Greca. 

24. (Bonaventura Papareschi 205 ), Cardinal-deacon of D. Angelus 

in Foro Piscium. 

25. Pierre (de Douai 206 ), Cardinal-deacon of D. Maria in Aquiro. 

26. Bertramo, (?) Cardinal-deacon of D. Georgius in Velum 

Aureum. 

27. Stefano de' Conti, Cardinal-deacon of D. Hadrianus in Foro. 

202 Cristofori. 

203 But Cristofori queries Guido da Bisenzo's creation in 1205 ; and records 
Egidio Pierleoni as beneficiary of this cardinal-diaconate certainly from 1205 
to 1221. 

204 Cristofori states that he vacated (by death ?) this cardinal-diaconate, in 
I2IO, which remained vacant till the creation of Ottavio Ubaldini in 1244. 

203 A fine example of the instability of the Dominican Ciacconius, and his 
Jesuit recensor. They record the creation of " Romanus Bonaventura 
Romanus," for this cardinal-diaconate in Innocent the Third's eighth con- 
sistory; and then, they apparently forget all about him, excepting his nation- 
ality : for, among the " Cardinales xxvij vivi quando Honorius Papa III 
creatus est," they simply say that the cardinal-diaconate of the Holy Angel 
in the Fishmarket was served by a Roman — "Romanus Diac. Card. S. 
Angeli in Foro Piscium." 

206 Cristofori. 



APPENDIX IIII 

SERMON OF INNOCENT THE THIRD, PREACHED 
AT HIS OWN CONSECRATION 

"He is a faithful and prudent servant whom the Lord hath set 
over His house, so that it may be fed with food convenient? 

The Eternal Word points out to us the qualities of 
him who is set over the house, and in what way he 
should care for her. He will be faithful and prudent 
so that he may feed her with food convenient at ordered 
times— faithful, that he may present it— prudent, that 
it may be done at the proper time. The Word also 
notifies Him who has instituted, — The Lord : and him 
who has been instituted, — the servant. What servant 
has been instituted ? — a faithful and prudent one : — over 
what has he been set ? — over the house : — why has he 
been instituted ? — so that he may nourish it : — when ? — 
at the appointed time. 

Let us examine each of these sayings, for they are 
the words of The Eternal Word. That is why each 
word has its value, each bears a profound meaning. 

Every one cannot be the master, but only He upon 
Whose Vestment and Loins are writ, " King of Kings, 
and Lord of Lords," He of whom it is said, " His 
Name is Lord." He has, by the self-same plenitude 
of His Power, constituted the pre-eminence of the 
Holy See, in order that none may be so bold 
as to resist His established Mandate, even as He 
Himself has said, "Thou art Peter; and upon this 
Rock I will build My Church, and the gates of hell 



APPENDIX IIII 221 

shall not prevail against it." For, as He has laid the 
foundation of the Church, and is Himself its Founda- 
tion Stone, the gates of hell cannot prevail against 
it. But this foundation is immovable, even as says 
the Apostle : none can lay other Foundation than that 
which is laid, and which is Jesus Christ. Let then 
Peter's boat, in which sleeps the Lord, be beaten by 
furious waves ; and she will never perish : for Jesus rules 
the sea and the tempest, peace will be restored, and 
men (astonished) cry "Who is This, Whom even the 
sea and the winds obey ? " The Church is that grand 
and solid edifice of whom the Eternal Word has said, 
"And the rain descended, and the floods came, and 
the winds blew, and beat upon that house ; and it 
fell not ; for it was founded upon a rock ; " namely 
on that rock of which the apostle said, "Jesus Christ 
is the Rock." It is manifest that the Holy See, far 
from being enfeebled by adversity, consoles itself by 
the Divine Promise, saying in the words of the prophet, 
"Through affliction hast Thou led me into a far 
country." It abandons itself with confidence to the 
promise which The Lord made to His apostles — " I am 
with you alway, even to the end of the world." 

Yes, God is with us. Who then can be against us ? 
As this institution comes not from man, but from 
God, — even more, from the God-Man, — the heretic 
and the dissenter, the malevolent wolf, seek in vain to 
ravage the vineyard, to rend the robe, to overthrow the 
candlestick, to extinguish the light : for thus hath 
Gamaliel said, " If this work be of men, it will come 
to naught; but if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow 
it ; lest haply ye be found to fight against God." 

" In The Lord is my trust, I will not fear what man 
can do unto me." I am that servant whom God hath set 
in charge of His house, may He grant me fidelity and 
prudence, so that I may feed her at the desired time. 



222 APPENDIX IIII 

Yes, a servant, and the servant of servants. May it 
please God that I am not one of those of whom Scrip- 
ture says, " Whosoever committeth sin, the same is the 
servant of sin," — not one of those to whom it is said, "O 
thou wicked servant, I forgave thee all that debt," and 
in another place, " that servant that knew his lord's will, 
and did not do it, shall be beaten with many stripes." 
But may I be one of them of whom The Lord says, 
"When ye shall have done all those things which are 
commanded, say, 'We are unprofitable servants.' " I am 
a servant, and not a master. As The Lord said to His 
apostles, "The kings of the Gentiles exercise lordship 
over them, and they that exercise authority upon them 
are called benefactors. But ye shall not be so. He that 
is greatest among you let him be as the servant of all ; 
and he that is chief, let him be your minister." That 
is why I desire to serve and do not assume dominion : 
thus following the example of my most illustrious pre- 
decessor who has said, " Not as those who desire to 
reign over the clergy, but as models for the flock, 
through the Spirit." 

What an honour ! I am put in charge of the house. 
But, what a heavy burden ! I am the servant of servants, 
the debtor of wise men, and of fools. If there are those 
who can scarcely serve one properly, how can a single 
one serve all ? " Besides these things that are without, 
that which cometh upon me daily, the care of all the 
Churches." 

What anxiety, and what sorrow, what uneasiness, and 
what hindrances, have I not to bear ! Have I not 
undertaken more than I can carry out ? Yet I will not 
exaggerate my undertaking, in order that I may not 
find myself wanting in the elevation at which I began. 
One day will reveal to another the trouble that I endure, 
one night will announce to another my cares. My firm- 
ness is not that of a rock, my flesh is not brass. But if 



APPENDIX IIII 223 

I am feeble and full of defects, God who gives generously 
to all and without delay, will give me strength. That is 
why, since man is not master of the path he follows, I 
trust that He who supported Peter on the waves of the 
sea so that he might not sink, that He Who makes 
smooth what is uneven, and softens that which is 
rough, will direct my steps. I have made known to 
you the circumstances, now hear the duties. 

I am a servant : I must be prudent and faithful, so that 
I may present to servants food at the time required. 
God requires three things of me : a faithful heart, 
prudence in action, the Food of The Word : for, with 
the heart man believeth unto righteousness, and with 
the mouth confession is made unto salvation. Abra- 
ham believed God ; and " it was counted unto him for 
righteousness." 

Without faith, it is impossible to please God, for 
whatsoever is not of faith is sin. If I myself have no 
faith how can I strengthen others in faith ? And that 
is one of the chief points of my function : for did not 
The Lord say to Saint Peter, " I have prayed for thee, 
that thy faith fail not," and " when thou art converted, 
strengthen thy brethren." He prayed, and was hearkened 
to, — hearkened to in all points, owing to His obedience. 
The faith of the Holy See has never failed in trouble : 
but it remains firm and invincible, so that the privilege 
of Saint Peter remains inviolable. Yet, precisely for 
this reason, I have need of faith : because, though for 
all other faults I can be freed before the tribunal of 
God, — for faults against the Faith I may be judged by 
the Church. 

I have faith, perpetual faith : because the Church is 
apostolic ; and I am well convinced that my faith will 
save me, according to the promise of Him Who has said, 
"Thy faith hath saved thee: go, sin no more." Faith 
without works, is dead : if faith lives, it works through 



224 APPENDIX IIII 

charity. "The just shall live by faith." It is not those 
who hear The Word, but they who are doers of The 
Word who are victorious before God. " For if any be 
a hearer of The Word, and not a doer, he is like unto 
a man beholding his natural face in a glass." But 
neither faith without prudence, nor prudence without 
faith, avail aught. 

I must be faithful and prudent. It is written, " Be ye 
wise as serpents." Oh, how I stand in need of prudence, 
so that I may grasp at the observance of my duties, so 
that my left hand may not know the doing of my right, 
so that I may separate the clean from the unclean, good 
from evil, light from darkness, salvation from perdition, 
so that I may not call bad that which is good and good 
that which is bad, so that I may not declare that dark- 
ness which is light, and that light which is darkness, so 
that I may not condemn to death those souls which 
should live, and that I judge not those worthy to live 
who deserve death. It is then with good reason that 
the square and double breastplate was counted among 
the principal ornaments of the high-priest. The judg- 
ment of the Pope (of whom the type lay in the dignity 
and the name of the high-priest) ought to distinguish 
four things ; — the true from the false, the good from the 
evil : the one, so that he may not err in faith : the other, so 
that he may not deceive himself in action. He ought to 
distinguish two motives, for himself, and for the people : 
so that if the blind should lead the blind, both should 
not fall into the ditch. The breastplate was square, on 
account of the fourfold meaning which ought to manifest 
itself to the Pope through Scripture, the historic mean- 
ing, the allegorical meaning, the figurative meaning, 
and the mystic meaning. The breastplate was double 
because of the two testaments which the Pope cannot 
ignore, because the letter killeth, but the spirit maketh 
alive : foursquare, because of the New Testament, which 



APPENDIX IIII 225 

is contained in the four Gospels : double, because of 
the Old Testament which is engraved upon two tables. 

How great should be the prudence which must be 
responsible for the wisdom of all, which has to decide 
in all complicated cases, remove all secret doubts, 
negotiate all business, decree all decrees, explain Scrip- 
ture, preach to the people, punish disturbers, strengthen 
the weak, refute heretics, and defend Catholic Christians ! 
Who is capable of all this ? May such an one receive 
our praises ! It is on that account The Lord has said 
earnestly, " Who then is that wise and faithful servant ? 
I will make him ruler over my household." 

I am put in charge of the house ! Pray God that my 
merit may correspond with my eminence, and that it 
will turn to the honour of The Mighty Lord : for, when 
He carries out His Will by means of a feeble servant, 
all is attributed not to human power, but to Divine 
Force. Who am I, and what is the house of my father, 
that I should be put in charge of kings, and occupy the 
seat of honour ? For it is I who am spoken of by the 
prophet, " I have this day set thee over the nations, and 
over the kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and 
to destroy, and to throw down, to build, and to plant." 
It is I of whom it is written, " I will give unto thee the 
keys of the kingdom of heaven ; and whatsoever thou 
shalt bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven," and to 
me also — (that which the Lord said to all the disciples in 
common), " Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted 
unto them ; and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are 
retained." But speaking to Peter only, He said, "What- 
soever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in 
heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall 
be loosed in heaven." Thus it is that Peter can loose 
others, but he himself can be loosed by none. u Thou 
art called Kephas," saith He, which signifies Head. In 
the head is found the centre of man's senses, they are 

P 



226 APPENDIX IIII 

divided in every other member. All the rest are called 
to take their share in the welfare of the body : but Peter 
alone has been raised to the plenitude of power. 

You recognize now who is the servant put in charge 
of the house. It is none other than the Vicar of Jesus 
Christ, the successor of Peter. He is the intermediary 
between God and man : beneath God, above man : less 
than God, more than man : he judges all, and is judged 
by none, as the apostle says, " God is my judge," but he 
who is elevated to the highest consideration is lowered 
in his function of serving : so that humility should be 
raised and greatness humiliated, and he who is exalted 
shall be obeyed. All the valleys shall be raised, and the 
mountains and hills be brought low. And it is said yet 
again, " They have called thee prince, — be not proud, but 
as one among them." It is "the candle on a candle- 
stick, which giveth light to all that are in the house." 
When the light groweth dim, how deep becomes the 
darkness ! It is " the salt of the earth : but if the salt 
have lost his savour, wherewith shall it be salted ? It is 
therefore good for nothing, but to be cast out, and to 
be trodden under foot of men." That is why much is 
required from him to whom much is given. He has 
to give account to God, not only for himself, but for 
those under his care. For the Lord makes no distinc- 
tion among His servants. He does not say in the 
plural " the servants," but in the singular " the servant," 
because there should be but "one flock, and one shep- 
herd." " My Well Beloved," He says, " is one, she 
whom they have chosen is one." The garment of The 
Lord was without seam and shall remain seamless. All 
were admitted into one Ark. They were saved from 
the waters by a single Pilot : but those who remained 
outside the Ark were drowned in the Flood. 

He is put in charge of the house, so that he presents 
her with food at the time required. Our Lord Jesus 



APPENDIX IIII 227 

Christ established the primacy of Peter before, during, 
and after, His Passion. Before His Passion, — in saying, 
"Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build My 
Church," and, "whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth 
shall be bound in heaven." During His Passion, — in 
saying, "Simon, Satan hath desired to have thee that 
he may sift thee as wheat, but I have prayed for thee 
that thy faith fail not . . . when thou art converted 
strengthen thy brethren." After His Passion — when 
commanding him for the third time, " Feed My sheep." 

The first time He pointed out the greatness of 
the dignity : the second, the need of firmness in faith : 
the third, the functions of a pastor. Under all these 
bearings my text from Scripture evidently applies to 
Saint Peter : — firmness in the faith when He says, — 
" Be faithful and prudent " : — elevation to dignity when 
He says, "He hath set thee over the house" : — the care 
of the sheep, when He says that he shall feed them. 

He ought to feed them : to wit, by The Word, and 
the Sacrament. It is as though The Lord should say 
— "Feed them by the example of life, by the word 
of doctrine, by the sacrament of the altar" — by the 
example of action, by the word of preaching, by the 
sacrament of communion. The Eternal Truth says 
the first point, "My meat is to do the will of Him 
that sent Me " : it is said on the second in Holy 
Writ, " He nourishes him with the bread of life and 
understanding, and gives him the water of healing 
wisdom to drink" : and, in the third place, The Lord 
says, "For My Flesh is meat indeed, and My Blood 
is drink indeed." 

I will give the house the food of example : in order 
that my light shall shine before men, so that they shall 
see my good works, and worship my Father which is 
in heaven. For neither do men light a candle and 
put it under a bushel, but on a candlestick; and it 



228 APPENDIX IIII 

giveth light to all that are in the house : wherefore 
The Lord says elsewhere, " Let your loins be girded 
about, and your lights burning ; " and " let him that 
heareth say ' Come.' " 

When the anointed priest sins, he causes the people 
to sin : for every spiritual fault is rebuked more severely, 
and that in proportion to the elevation of him who 
commits it. I ought also to give the food of the Word : 
so that I should increase the talent which has been 
given me, by putting it out to usury. For, according 
to the apostle, God has not sent to baptize but to 
preach, so that the dogs may eat of the crumbs that 
fall from their master's table : for " man doth not live 
by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out 
of the mouth of God." So that the text, "the young 
children ask bread, and no man breaketh it unto them," 
shall not find its application in me, but rather by me. 
I ought to give the servants the food of the Blessed 
Sacrament, so that by It they should receive life and 
not see death, as saith The Lord, u I am that Bread 
of Life which cometh down from Heaven : if any man 
eat of this Bread he shall live for ever"; and, "the 
Bread which I will give is My Flesh, which I will give 
for the Light of the World. Except ye eat The Flesh 
of the Son of Man, and drink His Blood, ye have no 
life in you." 

I ought to give you this triple food, — at a time con- 
venient. According to Solomon, there is time for 
all things. I ought to give you the food of example, 
followed by that of The Word : in order that you may 
worthily receive the food of the Sacrament. For Jesus 
Christ has acted and taught, "leaving us an example 
that we should follow His Steps : Who did no sin, 
neither was guile found in His Mouth." 

He who does and teaches this, shall be called great 
in the kingdom of Heaven. For if I teach without 



APPENDIX IIII 229 

acting, it may reasonably be said, " Physician, heal 
thyself," and, " Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam 
out of thine own eye; and then shalt thou see clearly 
to cast the mote out of thy brother's eye." Thou that 
preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal ? — 
that sayest a man should not commit adultery, dost thou 
commit adultery? For unto the ungodly said God, 
" Why dost thou preach My laws, and take My covenant 
in thy mouth." He is justly despised whose life is a 
stumbling-block. The apostle says, " I am made all 
things to all men, that I might by all means save some." 
I will rejoice with them that do rejoice and weep with 
them that weep, so that my pastoral conduct shall 
correspond with its aim. I will speak wisdom among 
them that are perfect, but in the midst of you all, I 
will know nothing but Jesus Crucified. Being babes 
in Christ Jesus, I will feed you with milk and not with 
meat, for strong meat belongeth to them that are of full 
age. "But let a man examine himself, and, so let him 
eat of that Bread, and drink of that Cup. For he that 
eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh 
damnation to himself, not discerning the Lord's Body." 

It is thus, dear brothers and sons, that I present you 
with the food and the Divine Word from the table of 
Holy Writ. I expect from you to do your part. I 
hope that you will lift up hands, cleansed from dis- 
union and enmity, to The Lord, — that you will invoke 
Him with the prayer of faith, so that He may grant 
me grace worthily to fulfil the functions of an apostolic 
servant, — functions laid upon my feeble shoulders, — 
for the honour of His Name, — for the salvation of my 
soul, — for the prosperity of the Universal Church, — for 
the welfare of Christianity. 

May Our Lord Jesus Christ, God of all, be praised, 
world without end. 



APPENDIX V 

SPECIMEN WRITINGS OF CARDINAL LOTHARIO 
DE' CONTI, AFTERWARDS POPE INNOCENT 
THE THIRD 

[From the " Ottobonian Manuscript" No. 433. " De contemptu 
Mundi," as the work is usually called, or " De Viciis et 
Virtutibus, 1 ' as it calls itself, — the following are taken.] 

Liber I. Cap. IX. (viij) 

"O vilis conditionis humanae indignitas O indigna 
vilitatis humanae conditio herbas et arbores in vestigia. 
Illae de se producunt flores et frondes et fructus, et heu 
de te et pediculos et lumbricos. Illae de se fundunt oleum 
vinum balsamum et tu de te sputum urinam et stercus. 
Illae de se spirant suavitatem odoris et tu de te reddis 
abominationem fetoris. Qualis est ergo arbor talis est 
fructus, 'Non enim potest arbor mala fructus bonos 
facere.' Quid est enim homo secundum formam nisi 
quaedam arbor inversa ? Cuius radices sunt crines 
truncus caput cum collo stipes est pectus cum albo rami 
sunt ilia cum tibiis frondus sunt digiti cum articulis. 
Hoc est folium quod a ventu rapitur et stipula quae a 
sole siccatur." 

In Liber II 

The writer inveighs against drunkenness and every form 
of lust, minutely describing the worst examples, he con- 
tinues against pride of birth, of wealth, of ambition, and 
dress. . . . "Superbus autem ut magnificus videatur 



APPENDIX V 231 

satagit vestiri duplicibus indui mollibus pretiosis ornari 
sed quid est homo pretiosis ornatus nisi ' sepulcrum foris 
dealbatum intus autem plenum spurcilia ? ' Hyacinthus 
et purpura coccus et byssus in limo putrescunt, aurum 
et argentum lapides et gemmae in bili sordescunt. 207 
Dignitas et potestas male iacent in pulvere, honor et 
gloria male sedent in cinere. Quid ergo superbe phy- 
lacterias dilatas et magnificas fimbrias ? Dives ille qui 
induebatur purpura et bysso sepultus est in inferno. 
Holof ernes qui sedebat in canopeo quod erat ex purpura 
et bysso et auro et smaragdo et lapidibus pretiosis intextum 
iugulatus est a Iudith." 

In Liber III 

The future Pope writes somewhat bitterly of the origin 
and condition of human existence — " Quam turpis pater, 
quam vilis mater, quam abominabilis soror ! Conceptus 
est enim homo de sanguine per ardorem libidinis putre- 
facto, cuius tandem libidinis cadaveri quasi funebres 
vermes assistent, vivus generavit pediculos et lumbricos, 
mortuus generabit vermes et muscas, vivus produxit 
stercus et vomitum, mortuus producet putretudinem et 
fetorem, vivus hominem unicum impinguavit, mortuus 
vermes plurimos impinguabit. Quid ergo foetidius 
humano cadavere, quid horribilius homine mortuo ? 
Cui gratissimus erat amplexus in vita, molestus etiam 
erit aspectus in morte. Quid ergo prosunt divitiae, quid 
epulae, quid deliciae quid honores ? Divitiae non libera- 
bunt a morte, epulae non defendent a morte nee deliciae 
a verme honores non eripient a fetore. Qui modo 
sedebat gloriosus in throno modo iacet despectus in 

207 No doubt the young cardinal thought this garish jingle extremely 
fine. It is to be regretted that he had not the example to follow of 
Enea Silvio de' Piccolhuomini, who (as Pope Pius the Second) did 
His best to suppress a horribly young novel of His adolescence. 



232 APPENDIX V 

tumulo, qui modo fulgebat ornatus in aula, modo sordet 
nudus in tumba, qui modo vescebatur deliciis in caena- 
cula modo consumitur a vermibus in sepulcro." 



In De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, Lib. I, cap. viii, 
which is called " De primatu Romani Pontificis" are set 
forth the author's views on the subject of the Pontificate 
and its Powers. 

" Omnibus autem apostolis Christus Unum praeposuit 
videlicet Petrum Cui totius Ecclesiae Principatum et 
ante Passionem et circa Passionem et post Passionem 
commisit. Ante Passionem cum dixit <Tu es Petrus 
et super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam Meam et 
portae inferi non prevalebunt adversus Earn; et Tibi 
Dabo claves regni caelorum.' Licet enim universis 
apostolis communiter dixerit ' Quorum remiseritis pec- 
cata remittuntur eis, et quorum retinueritis retenta sunt,' 
principaliter Petro concessit ' Quodcumque ligaveris 
super terram erit ligatum et in caelis, et quodcumque 
solveris super terram erit solutum et in caelis.' Petrus 
potest ligare caeteros sed ligari non potest a caeteris. 
Nam et illis particulariter dictum est quorum remiseritis 
peccata remittuntur eis. Huic autem universaliter 
dicitur 'Quodcunque ligaveris etc' Circa Passionem 
vero cum pluralitur dixisset de omnibus ' Simon ecce 
Satanas expetivit Vos ut cribraret sicut triticum ' singu- 
lariter tamen pro Petro subiunxit 'Ego autem pro Te 
rogavi ut non deficiat fides Tua' statimque subiunxit 
' Et Tu aliquando conversus confirma fratres Tuos.' 
Ad Petrum igitur tanquam ad magistrum pertinet 
caeteros confirmare Cuius fides in nulla tentatione 
defecit. Fides enim Apostolicae Sedis super firmam 
petram stabili soliditate fundata nullis unquam errorum 
sordibus potuit inquinari, sed absque ruga manens et 
macula pro necessitate temporum a caeteris maculis 



APPENDIX V 233 

detersit errorum. Post Passionem autem cum tertio 
quaesiisset a Petro ' Simon Ioannis diligis Me plus his ? ' 
et Me tertio respondisset ' Domine Tu scis quia amo 
Te ' tertioque praecepit ' Pasce oves Meas ' statimque 
subiunxit 'sequete Me.' Petrus enim secutus est 
Christum non solum genere martyrii sed et in ordine 
magisterii. Quod Christus ostendit cum ait ' Tu voca- 
beris Cephas,' licet enim Cephas secundum unam 
linguam interpretetur Petrus secundum alteram tamen 
exponitur Caput. Nam sicut Caput habet plenitudinem 
sensuum caetera vera membra partem recipiunt pleni- 
tudinis its caeteri sacerdotes vocati sunt in partem 
solicitudinis sed Summus Pontifex est in plenitudinem 
potestatis. Hinc etiam quod non sine magni mysterii 
sacramento cum Christus universos interrogasset apos- 
tulos ' Vos autem quern Me esse dicitis ' solus Petrus 
quasi primus et potior respondit pro omnibus 'Tu es 
Christus Filius Dei Vivi.' Cumque timore periculi simul 
exterrerentur apostoli solus Petrus descendit intrepidus 
ut super undas maris ad Dominum ambularet et cum 
multi discipulorum abiissent retro dicentes ' Durus est 
hie sermo,' dixit Iesus ad duodecim 'Nunquid et vos 
vultis abire?' Respondit Ei Simon Petrus 'Domine 
ad quern ibimus ? verba vitae aeternae Habes et nos 
credimus et cognovimus quia Tu es Christus Filius 
Dei.' Cumque Iesus respexisset discipulos ait Simoni 
Petri 'Si in Te peccavit frater Tuus, vade et corripe 
eum inter Te et ipsum solum . . . etc' Cui cum Petrus 
dixisset ' Domine, quoties peccabit in Me frater Meus 
et dimittam ei ? usque septies?' Respondit Illi Iesus 
'Non dico Tibi usque septies sed usque septuagies 
septies.' Et cum omnes apostoli fugam arriperent 
solus Petrus educens gladium percussit servum ponti- 
ficis et dextram eius abscidit auriculam. Cumque post 
resurrectionem alii discipuli navigio venissent de 
Dominum Petros succingens se misit in mare ut inter 



234 APPENDIX V 

undas ad Ipsum accederet. Quapropter et Christus 
cum resurrexisset a mortuis prius Se Petro quam 
caeteris ostendit apostolis quia secundum apostolum 
'visus est Cephae post hoc undecim deinde visus est 
plusquam quingentis fratribus simul.' " 



APPENDIX VI 

CORRESPONDENCE OF THE LORD INNOCENT 
1198-1216 

The following selection does not pretend to be anything 
more than a very brief epitome of the voluminous 
correspondence of the Lord Innocent. At most it 
hopes to illustrate the immense variety of His corre- 
spondents, the multiplicity of His cares, and the 
meticulous and unwearying attention which He 
accorded to all matters great and small alike which 
came into His pontifical purview, as well as some 
small indication of the habitual tenor of His epistles. 

The references are either to Potthast's Regesta y in 
which ample sources are detailed, or to Migne's edition 
of the Pope's Letters published in the Patrologia Latina. 
The former are indicated by a P followed by the 
number of the letter in order of date as given in the 
Regesta) the latter by the number of the volume and 
the page. 

Letters to King Richard of England 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1 198 May 7. Saint Thomas of Canterbury ... I 531 
May 29. Sends four rings as a mark of friendship . I 179 
May 31. Question of ransom money ... I 196 
Nov. 20. Assurances of friendship .... I 415 
Dec. 17. Let Pierre de Corbeil have his prebend at 

York I 443 

1 199 Apr. 28. Treasury of Canterbury .... I 595 
Dec. 22. Take Archbishop Geoffrey of York into 

favour I 451 

235 



236 



APPENDIX VI 



DATE. 

1200 Apr. 
Dec. 

1 20 1 Feb. 
Mar. 
Nov. 
Dec. 
Dec. 
Dec. 



28, 



1202 Mar. 27, 



Mar. 28, 
Jun. 



Jun. 

1203 Feb. 20. 

May 15. 
May 21. 

Oct. 31. 

1204 Jan. 4. 
Dec. 13, 



1205 Sep. 22. 
Sep. 23. 
Dec. 23. 

1206 Feb. 17. 
Mar. 30. 
Dec. 20. 

1207 May 26. 
Sep. 3. 

1208 Mar. 22. 
May 27. 
Aug. 

1209 Jan. 12. 
Jan. 21. 
Jan. 23. 



Letters to King John of England 

SUBJECT. 

Queen Eleanor's dowry . 

Richard's Will 

. Case of Honorius Archdeacon of Richmond 

. The Empire 

Richard's Will 

Do not starve two abbots .... 

Richard's Will ... . 

It is not becoming to a King to steal abbey 

lands. Give them back 
As a mark of contrition for your bad 

behaviour in repudiating Havise send 

100 men to the Holy Land and build 

a monastery for Cistercians . 

Richard's Will 

Cease from persecuting the Bishop of 

Limoges and compensate him for your 

violence 

Honorius of Richmond 

Do not interfere with the liberty of th 

Church 

Preferment of a foreigner to Carlisle . 
Behave less shamefully to the Archbishop 

of Dublin or suffer Interdict 
As Duke of Normandy you ought to appear 

before your suzerain King Philip . 
Richard's Will and Berengere's dowry 
Archbishop of Dublin and Berengere' 

dowry .... 
Richard's Will and the Empire 
Richard's Will . 
Injustice to an abbess 
Richard's Will and The Empire 
Canterbury .... 
Canterbury .... 
Canterbury .... 
Berengere's dowry 
Interdict on England 
Canterbury .... 
Richard's Will . 
Canterbury .... 
Berengere's dowry 
Berengere's dowry 



REFERENCE, 

P 99S 

P 

P 



1235 
1263 



mi 1050 
p 1519 



p 
in 



1548 
1062 



p 1577 



1 972 
ni 1075 



1 1036 
1 645 

1 1175 
mi no 

11 61 



II 


182 


II 


220 


II 


484 


III 


1128 


III 


1 129 


II 


747 


III 


1 129 


p 


2723 


I 


1044 


II 


327 


II 


1218 


I 


1406 


III 


1 1 50 


mi 


188 


n 


1537 


n 


1535 



■} 



APPENDIX VI 



237 



REFERENCE. 

mi 213 



DATE. SUBJECT. 

121 1 Oct. 19. Go on crusade 

1212 Feb. 28. Canterbury and Pandolfo . . . .Ill 
Mar. 1. Threat of excommunication . . . Ill 

1213 Jul. 6. Surrender of the Kingdom . . . .Ill 
Nov. 4. Sicut in Area Ill 

1214 Apr. 15. Takes King and his heirs under protection II 1 1 
Apr. 22. Make peace with France and go on 

crusade Ill I 

121 5 Aug. 24. Magna Carta P 



774 
772 
881 
922 
226 

227 

4990 



1 198 Jan. 


9- 




May 


17- 




Aug. 


3i 




Aug. 


31 




Sep. 




H99 


Apr. 


27. 




May 31. 




Dec. 




1200 


Jun. 
Jul. 






Oct. 


22. 




Dec. 






Dec. 




1201 


Feb. 






Mar. 


1. 




Jun. 


9- 




Nov. 


2. 




Dec. 




1202 


Mar. 


26. 




Jun. 


5- 


1203 


May 


26. 




Jun. 


3°- 




Oct. 


9- 




Oct. 


31- 




Dec. 


9- 


1204 


May 


28. 




May 


30. 



Letters to King Philip the August 

" tanquam speciali ecdesie Romane filio " . 

Ingebiorg 

Make peace with Richard under pain of 
interdict 

Take back Ingebiorg under pain of inter- 
dict 

Interdict on France 

Do not interfere with the marriage of 
Count Philip of Flanders 

Ecclesiastical arrangements 

Go on Crusade . 

Interdict 

Ingebiorg . 

Ingebiorg . 

Divorce of Agnes de Meran 

Divorce 

Ingebiorg . 

The Empire 

Make peace with Otto 

Legitimation of King Philip's children by 
Agnes de Meran 

Ingebiorg . 

Make peace with Otto 

Divorce 



the Count and 



Make peace with John 

Ingebiorg . 

Stop the quarrel between 

the Bishop of Auxerre 
Make peace with John 
Ingebiorg . 
Heresy 
Advowsons of the Countess of Vermandois 



I 2 

I 148 

I 329 

I 321 



585 

635 

809 

1074 

1096 

896 

1220 

1236 

1288 



III 1048 

III 1051 

P 1500 

P 1575 

III 1068, 

I 1015 

II 64 

II 88 

II 162 

II 176 

II 198 

II 361 

P 2227 



2 3 8 



APPENDIX VI 



DATE. 




1205 Jan. 


16. 


Feb. 


7- 


1206 Feb. 


7- 


1207 Apr. 


2. 


Nov. 


17- 


Dec. 




1208 Feb. 




Sep. 


17- 


Oct. 


9- 


Dec. 


7- 


Dec. 


9- 


1209 Feb. 


3- 


Apr. 


23- 


1 2 10 Aug. 


18. 


121 1 Feb. 


1. 


Aug. 


25- 


Dec. 


2. 


1212 May 


5- 


Jun. 


9- 


1213 Apr. 


19- 


Jul. 


5- 


1214 Apr. 


22. 


May 


14. 


May 


29. 


1215 Aug. 




1 2 16 May 





is equally 



SUBJECT. 

Jews and Heretics 
Heresy .... 
Take measures about heretics 
Ingebiorg .... 
War against the Albigenses 

virtuous with a crusade . 
Ingebiorg .... 
Heresy .... 
The Empire 

Heresy .... 
Ingebiorg .... 
Ingebiorg and divorce 
Heresy .... 
Help King Jean of Jerusalem 
Ecclesiastical affairs . 
The Empire 
Confiscation of the lands of 

Count of Toulouse . 
Taxing offertories 
Ecclesiastical affairs . 
Ingebiorg .... 
Invitation to Lateran Council 
Make peace with John 
Make peace with John and crusade . 
Do not meddle with ecclesiastical jurisdic 

tions 

Praise for good behaviour . 

Do not help John's Barons against him 

Imperial affairs 



Raymond 



REFERENCE. 

II 501 

II 526 

p 2682 
II 1135 

II 1246 

II 1266 

II 1358 

III 1153 
I 1470 

II 1493 
II 1494 

II 1545 

36 

P 4063 

P 4178 



III 



III 524 
III 487 
III S7 i 
III 617 

P 4706 
III 884 

mi 227 

IIII 229 

p 4930 

in 991 

p 5117 



Letters to the Emperor Otto 



1201 Mar. 


1 


1202 Jan. 




Mar. 




1203 Jan. 


13- 


Sep. 


9 


Dec. 


16 


1204 Jan. 


25. 


1206 Feb. 


17 


Jun. 





1207 Dec. 



Recognition as Elect-Emperor . 
Write frequent letters to your adherents 
Be energetic and We will help you . 
Congratulations on progress 

Imperial affairs 

Imperial affairs 

Take care of Church property even though 

you are engaged in a civil war 
Assurance of Pontifical favour and advice 
Communicate with Patriarch of Aquilaea 

about the truce ordered by Us 
Much advice 



1034 
1059 
1072 
1088 
1096 
1 107 

1 109 
1 130 

1136 

1145 



APPENDIX VI 



239 



DATE. 

1208 May 
Aug. 
Aug. 20, 
Dec. 4. 

1209 Jan. 5. 
Jan. 16. 



Mar. 10. 



Jul. 
Jul. 
Oct 
Oct 
Nov. 11 
Nov. 13 

1210 Nov. 1 

121 1 Mar. 31 



SUBJECT. 

Assurance of friendship 

Marriage with Beatrix 

Death of Philip of Swabia 

Imperial affairs . 

About coronation 

" Cum vera pax et firma concordia inter 

ecclesiam et imperium nunc existat" 
Frederick of Sicily .... 
Bishop Valdimar .... 
Fine exacted from Florence 
Otto Crowned Emperor 
Question of Matildan Donation . 
Measures against heretics . 
Bishopric of Bamberg 
Quamvis de regnum 208 
Otto Excommunicated (Maunday 

Thursday) 209 



REFERENCE. 



I 


1145 


I 


1 147 


I 


1153 


I 


1157 


I 


1 160 


I 


1 161 


I 


1 168 


I 


69 


I 


82 


I 


1 173 


I 


153 


I 


149 



Letters to King Frederick of Sicily 

1 199 Jan. Consolation for the death of his father 

1200 Dec. Honour the Church .... 

1201 Jul. 3. Bishop of Troia and Markwald . 
1204 Oct. 4. Take advice from Our Legate for the good 

of your kingdom . . . , 

1206 Sep. 12. Congratulations on progress 

1207 Jan. 29. Congratulations on regaining liberty 

1209 Jan. 9. Do strive for independent spiritual juris 

diction in Sicily .... 

1210 Jun. 25. Restore the Chancellor to favour 
12 16 May 14. " In Romanum Imperium electus" 



Letters to the Basileus Alexios III Angelos 
of Byzantion 



I 


520 


p 


1234 


p 

(J 


1421 


II 


419 


II 


984 


II 


108 1 


- 

II 


1523 


. Ill 


280 


p 


5110 



1 198 Aug. 15. 

1 199 Nov. 13. 



Unity of Christendom 
Imperialis excellence 210 



325 
760 



208 Cf. p. 50. 

a09 Extract from Bull of Excommunication : — 

" Beneficiorum nostrorum ingratus et promissionum oblitus suarum maligne 
persequitur regem Sicilie orphamnti et ptipillum apostolice protectioni 
relictum." — Bullarium Magnum. 

Extract from the Breve ' ' Sicut ea quae " to the Bishop of Turin, 
Apr. 5, 1212: — 

" Otto non iam nominandus Imperator sed impius persecutor." 

210 Cf. p. 59. 



240 APPENDIX VI 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1200 Dec. Do not be arrogant ni P 1222 

1 201 Apr. Do not interfere with King Amaury of 

Cyprus . P 1332 

1202 Nov. 16. Beware of danger from the Crusade . . I 1123 



Letter to the Basileus Alexios II 1 1 Angelos 
1204 Feb. 7. Be loyal to the See of Peter ... II 259 

Letter to the Basileus Theodoros I Laskaris 

1208 Mar. 17. Acknowledge Henry of Constantinople as 

your Emperor and cease from schism II 1372 

Letters to the Emperor Baldwin I of Romania 

1204 Nov. 7. Constitution of the new empire . . . II 454 

1205 Jan. 21. Appointment of Morosini as Patriarch . II 517 
Feb. 8. Respect Church property . . . . II 521 
May 15. Commendation of new Legate ... II 622 

Letters to the Emperor Henry of Romania 

1205 Aug. 16. Make peace with Bulgaria 2l2 ... II 710 
1208 Mar. 7. Persuade the Greeks to recognise the Latin 

Patriarch II 1352 

Mar. 11. Imperial chapels taken under protection . II 1364 
Mar. 26. Permission to exact allegiance from pre- 
lates for the temporalities of their sees . II 1363 

1210 Jul. 10. Pay tithes Ill 296 

121 1 Oct. 5. Restore Sition near Ravennika to the 

Templars Ill 427 

1212 May 22. Restore monastic lands and respect Church 

property Ill 612 

May 23. Do not cherish persons excommunicate for 

destroying churches . . . .Ill 596 

12 13 Aug. 30. Commission for the new Legate Pelagius, 

Cardinal Bishop of Albano . . . Ill 901 

211 "Ad firmamentum igitur coeli fecit Deus duo magna luminaria id est 
duas magnas instituit dignitates quae sunt pontificalis auctoritas et regalis 
potestat. . . . Quanta est inter solem et lunam, tanta inter pontifices et 
reges differentia." 

212 This letter was written to him as Regent. 



I 


460 


I 


643 


p 


1458 


II 


15 


II 


417 


II 


427 



APPENDIX VI 241 

Letters to King Imre of Hungary 213 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE 

1 1 98 Dec. 22. Make Croats pay tithes to the Archbishop 

ofKolocz 

1 199 June 21. Make reparation for violence to a Bishop 214 

1 201 Aug. You must pay tithes 

1023 Feb. 28. Consent to King's proposals anent crusade 

Sep. 15. Why have you hindered the Legate to 
Bulgaria? 

Oct. 4. Congratulations on more reasonable be- 
haviour to the Legate .... 

Nov. 5. Allot a sufficient sum of money to your 

brother Endre II 169 



Letters to King Endre II of Hungary 216 

1203 Nov. 5. Confirmation of agreement with his brother 

King Imre II 893 

1205 Apr. 25. The Regency P 2017 

Jun. 26. The Regency P 2017 

Jul. 27. We recognize you as King, but make resti- 
tution to the Bishops who have been 

robbed II 702 

1206 Jun. 7. Confirmation of Berthold the Queen's 

cousin as Archbishop of Kolocz . . II 893 

1207 Apr. 5. Church patronage II 1132 

1209 Jan. 21. Bishopric of Bamberg .... II 1534 

Nov. 9. Crusade I 1100 

1212 Jul. 15. Quarrel between Archbishops John of 

Gran and Berthold of Kolocz . . Ill 447 

1212 Feb. 12. The same . Ill 515 

Letters to King Don Alfonso Villi of Castile 

1203 Jun. 5. Incestuous (!) marriage of his daughter 
Berengere to her first cousin once re- 
moved, King Don Alfonso Villi of Leon II 82 
Jun. 18. Recommending an abbot . . . . II 99 

213 King Imre is called " Heinrich," "Emmich" and "Emericus." 
211 "The bishop has been thrown violently down the steps of his church 
of which the treasury has been ransacked, the reliquaries and vessels pro- 
faned and dispersed, and the temporalities confiscated." 

215 The first three letters mentioned are addressed to this prince as Duke 
Andrew of Hungary. 

Q 



242 



APPENDIX VI 



DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1205 May 5. Do not make Jews and Moors pay tithes . II 616 

121 1 Feb. 22. Be faithful to the Church . . . .Ill 380 

1212 Feb. 4. Assistance for the Moorish war . . . Ill 513 
Oct. 26. Congratulations on victory of Navas de 

Tolosa Ill 703 

1 213 Apr. 19. Invitation to Lateran Council P 4706 



Letters to King En Peyre II of Aragon 

1 199 Apr. 5. Do not debase your coinage 

1204 Feb. 14. Morroco-Malorca war 
Nov. Cum quanta gloria S16 ... 

1205 Mar. 12. Ecclesiastical affairs .... 
Jun. 16. Privilegia, promises about Malorca, con 

fiscate property of heretics . 

1206 Jun. 9. Grant of heretics' lands 
Jun. 17. Permission for coronation of successors 

at Zaragoza 

1208 Feb. 26. Marriage of his sister to King Frederick 
Aug. The same, her dowry .... 

1209 Nov. 11. Extirpation of heresy . 
121 1 Apr. 12. Faculty to revoke donations accorded 

during his minority 
1213 Jan. 19. Divorce of Queen Marie de Montpellier 
Apr. 19. Invitation to Lateran Council 
Jun. 1. Heresy in the Toulousain . 



I 558 
II 265 

II 565 



II 


665 


II 


915 


II 


915 


II 


1342 


II 


1449 


III 


154 


III 


404 


p 


4657 


p 


4706 


III 


489 



Letters to King Don Sancho VII of Navarre 

1 198 May 29. Hand over to King Richard the territorial 

part of Berengere's dowry, viz. St. Jean 

Pied du Port and Roccabruna . . I 182 

1 1 99 Feb. 11. Make peace with Aragon . . . . I 509 
1213 Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . . P 4706 



Letters to King Dom Sancho I of Portugal 



1 198 Dec. 9. Financial obligations . 
1 2 10 May 13. Concordat confirmed . 



I 424 
III 272 



S16 Extract from the Bull Cum quanta gloria : — 

"Ut autem dilectionis affectum quern ad tuam habemus personam per 
exhibitionem operis evidentius monstratemus regalia insignia universa mantum 
videlicet colobium sceptrum et pomum coronam et mitram ad opus dum non 
minus pretiosa quam speciosa fecimus preparari et ea liberaliter tibi dona- 
vimus in signum grade specialis." — Bullarium Magnum. 



APPENDIX VI 



243 



DATE. SUBJECT. 

121 1 Feb. 23. Restore Church property . 
May 27. Partial confirmation of Will 



REFERENCE. 

Ill 383 
III 423 



Letter to King Dom Affonso II of Portugal 
1212 Apr. 16. Portugal taken under Apostolic protection III 56 



Letters to King Knut VI of Denmark 

1 198 Oct. 6. Defend the Church I 363 

Oct. 31. Ingebiorg I 363 

1200 Oct. 22. Ingebiorg I 883 



Letters to King Valdimar II of Denmark 

1203 Dec. 5. Bishop Valdimar II 194 

Dec. 12. Help Otto in Germany .... Ill 1106 

Dec. 18. The Empire . . . . . .Ill 1103 

1206 Jan. 20. Bishop Valdimar II 771 

1207 Apr. 2. Bishop Valdimar II 1134 

1208 Mar. Bishop Valdimar . . . . . II 1346 

1209 Oct. 31. Extirpate pagans Ill 116 

1210 May 7. Crusade Ill 258 

1216 May 14. Make peace with the Elect-Emperor 

Frederick P 5110 



Letter to King Sverker II of Sweden 

1206 Jan. 12. We object to the judgment of clerks in lay 
courts . .... 



P 2650 



Letter to King Erik X of Sweden 
1213 Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council 



P 4706 



Letters to King Kaloyan of Bulgaria 

1202 Nov. 27. We grant to you the title of King . . I 11 13 

1203 Sep. 10. Make peace with Serbia .... II 158 

1204 Feb. 25. Present of a crown II 277 



REFERENCE. 


P 


2569 


II 


1 162 


I 


779 


I 


813 


I 


819 


I 


1007 


II 


504 


II 


557 



244 APPENDIX VI 

DATE. SUBJECT. 

1205 Aug. 16. Please release the Emperor Baldwin . 
1207 May 25. Make peace with Romania 217 

Letters to King Levon II of Armenia 

1 199 Nov. 25. Union of the Churches .... 

Dec. 17. Fight the Saracens 

Dec. 30. Restore Gaston to the Templars 

1202 June 1. Taken under Pontifical protection 
1205 Jan. 18. Compensate Templars for damage you 

have done 

Mar. 5. Abbot of Mount Tabor .... 
1213 Feb. 28. Do penance in sackcloth and ashes before 

the Patriarch of Antioch . . .Ill 784 
Mar. 15. Absolution from excommunication 
12 16 Jan. Keep the peace with Jerusalem Antioch, 

and Cyprus P 5179 

Letters to King Amaury II of Jerusalem 

1 198 Dec. 2. Kingdom taken under protection . . I 417 
Dec. 19. Good advice I 454 

1203 Aug. 12. Protect the Church in Tyre . . . II 148 

217 The Lord Innocent wrote also a letter each to the Grand Jupan of 
Serbia: undated 1 198-9, and to the "King of Dalmatia and Dioclea," 
same time.* The "King of Dalmatia and Dioclea" seems to have been a 
vassal prince of the Grand Jupan of Serbia, and was certainly neither a 
"king" nor "of Dalmatia." There is also another letter to Wulco Meg- 
anippanus of Serbia. No prince of this name existed]; the contemporary 
Jupan being Stefan Vencian Pruovenceni Nemanyic I, the letter is dated 
23 Mar. 1203. 

* Copies of the letter to " Wulcan king of Dalmatia and Dioclea" were sent in 
duplicate to the Grand Jupan of Serbia and his wife, to the Queen of Dalmatia 
and to the Abp. of Dioclea. The king of Dalmatia replied — 

" Beatissimo atque sanctissimo Patri et Domino Innocentio Dei gratia Sacro- 
sancte Romane ecclesie summo pontifici et universali pape," and placed his king- 
dom under apostolic protection, acknowledging the Papal Supremacy. In the 
letter the Pope is referred to as "Your Paternity" and "Your Beatitude." It 
is doubtful whether King Wulcan was in a position thus to recommend his 
dominion without the expressed permission of his overlord. 

The Grand Jupan (Magnus Iuppanus totius Servie) replied, " Gratulamur itaque 
magne sanctitati vestre quia non tradidistis nos in oblivionem filios tuos sed 
recordatus es de nobis. Nos autem semper consideramus in vestigia sancte 
Romane ecclesie sicut bone memorie pater meus et preceptum sancte Romane 
ecclesie semper custodire." 

Regesta, Vol. I, No. dxiij, Page cxxxiiij, and No. clxv, Anno II, Page clxxvi, 
— both sheets. 



APPENDIX VI 245 

Letters to King Jean de Brienne of Jerusalem 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

121 1 May 19. Observe the excommunication of King 

Levon Ill 432 

1213 Jan. 9. Consolation for the death of his Queen . Ill 738 

1 2 16 Jan. Keep the peace with Armenia and Cyprus P 5179 

Letters to King Hugh I de Lusignan of Cyprus 

1213 Jan. 7. Make peace with Christians . . . Ill 736 

Jan. 13. Do not interfere with the canons of Nikosia III 743 

Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . . P 4706 

12 16 Jan. Keep the peace with Jerusalem and 

Armenia P 5179 

Letter to the Sultan Seif-ed-din 
1213 Apr. 19. Restore Jerusalem to the Christians . . Ill 831 

Letter to the Sultan of Aleppo 

121 1 Jun. 7. Please protect the persecuted Patriarch 

from the Prince of Antioch . . . Ill 434 

Letters to King Boniface of Thessalonika 

1203 Jun. 20. Do not plunder the Greeks 

1204 Feb. 7. Go to the Holy Land . 
Nov. 13. " Legimus in Daniele " 218 . 

1205 May 15. Respect Church property . 
Sep. 7. Captivity of the Emperor Baldwin 
Sep. 7. The Queen 

1206 Nov. 27. Remain faithful to the Holy See 

Letters to King Przemysl Ottokar I of Bohemia 

1 201 Mar. 1. Why ask Philip of Swabia for the title of 

King? . 
1204 Apr. 15. Privilegia and Imperial affairs . 

Apr. 21. Refusal of a primacy for Bohemia 
1208 Aug. Obey Otto . . . 

Dec. 12. Friendship 

218 Extract from the Breve Legimus in Daniele : — 

"Ad defendendum et retinendum constantinopolitanum imperium per cuius 
subventionis auxiliura Terra Sancta facilius potent de paganorum manibus 
liberari." 



II 


106 


p 


2123 


I 


625 


II 


710 


II 


714 


II 


1028 



. Ill 


1046 


. II 


339 


II 


357 


. Ill 


1 149 




1 160 







I 


492 


p 


1476 


11 


30I 


p 


2399 


p 


2406 


E 
II 


957 


III 


88 


III 


830 



246 APPENDIX VI 

Letters to the Doge Enrico Dandolo of Venice 

DATE. SUBJECT. 

1 198 Dec. 3. Do not trade in munitions of war with the 

Saracens 

1 201 Sep. Do not quarrel with the canons of Gradisca 

1204 Feb. 25. Be penitent for the way you sinned at Zara 

1205 Jan. 29. Confirmation of treaties and Absolution 
Feb. 8. Respect Church property .... 

Letters to the Doge Pietro Ziani of Venice 

1206 Aug. 5. Repentance and reconciliation . 

1209 Jul. 15. Pay for damage to Church property . 

1213 Jun. 4. Vow of alms for Holy Land 

1214 Feb. 15. Help isolated crusaders to get to Holy 

Land Ill 963 

Letters to the Grandmasters of the Temple 
Gilbert Horal 

1 199 Jan. 2. Private disputes 

Jun. 13. Specification of financial obligations . 
Sep. Distribute alms sent to the Holy Land 

1200 Mar. 30. Financial obligations 

Philippe de Plaissiez 

1202 Apr. 22. Restore to King Frederick certain lands 

unjustly acquired in continental Sicily . 

1206 Mar. 12. Confirmation of treaty .... 
Apr. 10. Appointment of preceptors . 

1207 Sep. 13. Misbehaviour about services during inter- 

dicts 

Oct. 31. Confirmation of donation of Satalia . 

Guillaume de Chartres 

1 2 10 Sep. 17. Confirmation of grants near Thebes . . I 329 

12 1 2 Feb. 17. Ecclesiastical discipline is superior to the 

privileges of the Order P 4384 

Jun. 23. Templars may have absolution from 
Bishops for laying violent hands on 
clerks Ill 652 

1213 Jan. 8. Help the King of Jerusalem . . .Ill 737 
Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . . P 4706 

1 2 14 May 15. Dispute about monastic lands bought by 

Order . 1 1 II 230 

1 2 16 Feb. 18. Confirmation of position in the East . . P 5078 



I 


467 


I 


641 


I 


737 


p 


975 


I 


973 


I 


832 


II 


861 


II 


1217 


II 


1019 



REFERENCE. 


P 


428 




64 




521 




973 




832 


mi 


15s 



APPENDIX VI 247 

Letters to Grandmasters of the Hospital of Saint John 
Geoffrey Lerat 

DATE. SUBJECT. 

1 198 Nov. 20. Help Cyprus 

Dec. Restore the three castles which you have 

stolen from the Church in Tripoli 

1 1 99 Feb. 8. Do not quarrel with Templars . 
Sep. Distribute alms sent to Holy Land 

1206 Mar. 12. Confirmation of treaty 

Apr. 24. Grant of land in Moravia . 

Guerin de Montaigu 

1210 Aug. 3. Confirmation of grant of castles from 

Levon II Ill 305 

12 12 Feb. 17. Submit to ecclesiastical discipline . . P 4384 

12 13 Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . . P 4706 

Letters to the Grandmasters of the Teutonic Order 

Hermann Bartt 

1209 Jun. 27. Confirmation in possessions and protection P 3755 

1210 Aug. 27. Do not wear white palls .... Ill 312 

Hermann von Salza 

121 1 Jul. 28. Confirmation of Rule P 4289 

12 13 Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . . P 4706 
Dec. 28. Confirmation of privileges . . . .Ill 945 

1 2 14 Feb. 14. Confirmation of gift of castle of Amudain 

by Levon II ....". P 4901 
1216 Feb. 18. Confirmation of privileges P 5078 

Letters to the Grandmaster of the Order of Christ 
Volkwin von Winterstadt 

1212 Jan. 25. Proposed bishopric in conquered territory III 509 

1213 Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . • P 4706 
Oct. 31. On the whole you have done well, but do 

not interfere with Bishops . . . Ill 921 

Letters to the Grandmasters of the Order of Santiago 

Sancho Rodriguez 
1206 Mar. 12. Confirmation of Treaty P 3214 



2 4 S APPENDIX VI 

Pedro Arias 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1210 Mar. 8. Grant of privileges Ill 205 

Pedro Gonzalez 
1213 Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . . P 4706 

Letters to the Grandmasters of the Order of Calatrava 

Martin Martinez 
1201 Jun. Confirmation of privileges . . . . P 1388 

1205 Jul. 5. Stir up the King of Aragon against the 

Moors II 666 

Rodrigo Garcias 

12 1 3 Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . . P 4706 

1214 May 20. Confirmation of Rule P 4925 

Letter to the Grandmaster of the Order of 
San Julian del Pereiro 

Nufio Fernandez 
1213 Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . . P 4706 

Letters to the Patriarchs of Byzantion (Orthodox) 
Georgios II Xiphilin 

1 198 Aug. 15. Christian unity I 327 

Ioannes X Kamtera 

1 199 Nov. 12. Christian unity I 758 

Letters to the Patriarchs of Constantinople (Latin) 
Tommaso Morosini 

1205 Mar. 30. Recognition and Pall P 2459 

Nov. 19. Consecrate the Elect- Archbishop of Patras II 727 

1206 Jun. 21. No longer consider yourself bound by your 

oath for the bestowal of patronage only 

on Venetians II 947 

Jul. 5. Exact compensation from those who damage 

Church property II 967 

Aug. 25. To provide for the Legate institute him as 

a canon of Saint Sophia . . . .II 975 

1207 Jan. 13. Excommunicate Venetians who steal eikons II 1077 



EFER) 


249 

ENCE. 


P 
II 


3083 
I2l6 


II 


1353 


II 


1387 


II 


1388 


III 
III 


83 
147 


III 
III 


l62 
217 



APPENDIX VI 

DATE. SUBJECT. 

1207 Apr. 13. Regulate the behaviour of the Monks of 

Saint George 

Sep. 12. Threaten the Emperor with censures 

1208 Mar. 8. Do not reconsecrate Orthodox bishops who 

have been reconciled to Rome 
Apr. 25. See to it that fewer excesses be committed 

in future under your authority 
Apr. 26. Make foreign clerks in Constantinople obey 

you 

1209 Jul. 10. Your clergy need discipline. Give it to 

them ........ 

Nov. 2. Remain on good terms with the Emperor . 
Nov. 23. You may exact tithes from the Orthodox in 

order to ease your financial difficulties . 

1210 Mar. 15. Take care to ordain only proper people 

Gervasio 
1 2 16 Jan. Discipline your clergy . . . . P 5193 

Letters to Latin Patriarchs of Jerusalem 

Monaco 

1 198 Dec. 23. He is rebuked for inefficiency, evil-speaking 

and bad behaviour, and is enjoined to 
cease from slandering the bishop (sic) 
of Tyre I 477 

1 199 Jan. 3. Settle the dispute with Antioch about Tyre I 466 
Sep. Distribute alms sent to the Holy Land 21 » . I 737 
Dec. 15. Suspend your unjust excommunication of 

the Templars I 816 

1200 Jan. 5. Do not meddle with the Order of the Holy 

Sepulchre IIII 39 

Albert II. (d. 14 Sep. 12 13) 

1206 Mar. 29. Betrothal of King Amaury's children . . II 829 

1207 Jan. 31. Stop your clergy from wearing lay clothes . II 1083 

1208 Feb. 13. Make the Count of Tripoli release the 

Patriarch of Antioch . . . . II 132 1 
Mar. 4. Excommunicate the Count of Tripoli if he 
has further dealings with the Orthodox 

Patriarch II 1346 

219 The Grandmasters of the Temple and the Hospital were appointed 
codistributors apparently in order to ensure that a distribution should take 
place, which (taking into the consideration the character of His Blessedness) 
was a not unnecessary precaution. 



250 APPENDIX VI 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1208 Jul. 9. Reappointment as Legate for four years . II 1427 

1209 Mar. 5. Arbitrate between the King of Armenia 

and the Templars Ill 18 

1210 Aug. 27. Keep the peace between the Grandmasters II 471 

12 1 1 May 17. Warn the King of Jerusalem to observe 

strictly the excommunication of the 

King of Armenia Ill 430 

Sep. 24. Tell King Hugh of Cyprus to take the 
Count of Montbeliard, Constable of 
Jerusalem, into favour . . . .Ill 466 

1 2 12 Jan. 13. Excite the Grandmasters to liberate the 

Christian captives at Alexandria . . Ill 507 

1213 Jan. 9. Keep the people faithful to King Jean and 

his daughter (the new Queen) . . Ill 738 
Mar. 15. Absolve the King of Armenia :.but take 

very stern measures with the Count of 

Tripoli Ill 792 

Jul. 25. Rebuke the Templars for the excessive 

exercise of their privilege of sanctuary . Ill 890 

Radulf 

121 5 Feb. 20. The prohibited marriage of Erard de 

Brienne Ill 973 



Letters to the Latin Patriarchs of Antioch 220 

Pietro (I of Capua) 

1 198 Mar. 17. Suspended for abuse of powers ... I 45 

Dec. 31. Restored to office I 460 

1200 Apr. 22. Why have you not paid your visit to The 

Threshold of The Apostles ? . . . II 864 

Pietro (II of Capua) 

121 1 May 18. Make all natives and foreigners respect 
the excommunication of the King of 

Armenia Ill 431 

Sep. 24. Marriage of the King of Cyprus' children . Ill 466 

220 The numeration of the Latin Patriarchs of Antioch is confusing. 
Saint Peter strictly speaking was Peter I, then a certain Peter the Fuller, 
465-490, an Arian who was twice deposed, was undoubtedly Peter II, hence 
Peter (I of Capua, the uncle) ought to be Peter III, and Peter (II of Capua, 
the nephew) ought to be Peter IIII, but they are never so designated. 



APPENDIX VI 



251 



Letters to the Patriarch of Alexandria 
Nicolas 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1201 Jul. Strengthen your suffragans in the Faith . P 1430 
1209 Mar. 23. Exhort the Christian prisoners to patience III 23 
1212 Jan. 13. The same Ill 505 



Letters to the Katholikos of Armenia 

Gregorios 

1 199 Nov. 12. Congratulations on becoming a Uniat 
1202 Jun. 1. Union of the Churches .... 



776 

1010 



Letters to the Archbishops of Canterbury 

Hubert Walter 

1202 Feb. Translation of the body of Saint Thomas . 

May 31. Excommunicate the King unless he is 

kinder to the Archbishop of Dublin, for 

We have heard " miserabilem cla?norem 

venerabilis " : also you may have three 

more archdeacons in your archdiocese . 

1204 Dec. 16. Commission for Berengere's dowry . 

Sedes vacat 1205- 1207. 

Stephen Langton 

1207 Jun. 17. Nomination "utriusque Cantuariensis 
ecclesie quassatis electis" 

1209 Jan. 12. Absolve Fulk de Cantilupe from excom- 
munication inflicted for outraging clerks 

12 12 Mar. The coronation of John's successors will 

depend on his behaviour 

12 13 onward Very many letters. 



P 1612 



III 



62 
475 



3603 
781 



1 201 Jan. 


5- 


Mar. 


1. 


1202 Jan. 




Dec. 




1204 Apr. 


10. 


1205 Mar. 


13- 



Letters to the Archbishop of Coln 
Adolf I 

Introducing Legates .... 
Recognize Otto as Elect-Emperor 
Warned against Philip of Swabia 
Affairs of The Empire 
See that excommunications are observed 
Excommunication and deposition 



. Ill 


103 1 


. Ill 


105 1 


. Ill 


1055 


. Ill 


1058 


. II 


330 


. Ill 


1119 



252 APPENDIX VI 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1206 Jun. 24. Regrets and condolences on above . . II 911 

1208 Oct. 23. Reinstatement regretfully and kindly re- 

fused Ill 1 155 

1209 Nov. 7. Pension of 250 marks accorded . . . Ill 142 

1 2 10 Nov. 12. Permission to say mass episcopally vested 

and to confer minor orders. No pall is 

to be worn Ill 346 

Letters to the Archbishop of Toledo 
Rodrigo 

1 201 May Excommunicate Alfonso King of Leon for 
marrying Berengaria to lAlfonso King 
of Castile P 1370 

1204 Jun. 24. Absolve him II 373 

1206 Jan. 28. Make the King of Castile restore the two 
castles and three farms which he has 
stolen from the Hospitallers . . .II 782 

1210 Mar. 4. Accords primacy of all Spain to see . . Ill 375 

Letter to the Archbishop of Lund 

Andreas 

1204 Nov. 20. Please send the enclosed pall to the Arch- 
bishop of Upsala to replace the one he 
has burned II 426 

Letters to the Archbishop of Athens 
Berard 

1206 Nov. 27. Have the same jurisdiction as your prede- 
cessors I 103 1 

1208 Jul. 10. Confirmation of property and protection . I 1432 
Oct. 4. Tell Guillaume de Larse not to plunder 

churches in the Larissa country 221 . . II 1468 
Oct. 10. Ask the Hospitallers to put pressure on the 
local Lords to make them pay their 

tithes II 1467 

1209 Jan. 23. Pontifical protection for person and see . II 1549 
Jan. 24. Compel your canons to reside . . . II 155 1 
Feb. 13. Confirmation of privileges . . . . II 1559 

221 This Guillaume, Lord of Armyre, was told to surrender his loot to the 
Archbishop of Larissa in a Letter 7 Jul. 12 10. 



APPENDIX VI 253 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1210 Mar. 4. Surrender of Korinth and conversion of 

the Orthodox Archbishop . . . Ill 201 
Mar. 9. Compel lay rectors to maintain clerical 

vicars Ill 216 



Letters to the Bishop of Winchester 
Peter 

1205 Oct. 27. Reform your diocese, punish clerks who 
are usurers and adulterers et fiublice 
tenent focarias and otherwise sin against 
public morality • . . . .II 723 

12 1 5 Aug. 30. Excommunicate the Barons. And the Great 
Ban is to be in force until the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury takes it off . . . P 4992 

Letter to the Bishop of Norwich 
John de Gray 

1203 June 20. Permission to depose married clerks from 

their benefices II no 

Letters to the Bishops of England collectively 

1205 Dec. 29. We have been cheated of large sums of 
Peter's Pence from England. Please 

see about it 

Dec. 30. Do not excommunicate rashly . 
1207 Aug. 25. Persuade the King to accept Langton 

Nov. 19. Interdict England 

1209 Feb. 21. Stop the Cistercians from saying mass 

publicly and do not let them ring bells . 
121 5 Nov. 4. Excommunication of the Barons 

Letter to Queen Agnes of France 

1204 Apr. 24. You may be buried at Pontigny . . . I II I 108 

Letters to Queen Maria of Thessalonika 

1205 Aug. 16. Congratulations on embracing Romanism . I 714 

1210 Mar. 30. Confirmation of marriage settlements . Ill 226 



II 


754 


II 


754 


II 


1208 


II 


1255 


II 


1563 


p 


4993 



254 APPENDIX VI 

Letters to Queen Ingebiorg of France 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1200 Mar. Consolation P 989 

Jul. Consolation P 1100 

Oct. 22. Assurances of friendship . . . . I 881 

1205 Jul. 5. Consolation II 680 

1207 Mar. 7. Protection II 1 105 

12 10 Mar. 7. Consolation Ill 258 



Letter to Queen Adela of Bohemia 
1210 Apr. 13. Divorce Ill 238 

Letter to Queen Maria, Wife of Philip of Swabia 
1208 Feb. 20. Bishop Valdimar II 131 5 

Letters to Berthold Duke of Zahringen 

1201 Mar. 1. Recognition of Otto Ill 1045 

1202 Mar. I. Imperial affairs Ill 1065 

1208 Aug. Obey Otto Ill 1149 

Dec. 5. Support Otto Ill 1158 

Letters to Henry Duke of Brabant 

1202 Mar. Confirmation of dispensation for the 

marriage of his daughter to Otto . Ill 1073 

1203 Dec. 12. The same reconfirmed .... Ill 1104 

1204 Oct. 27. Why do you delay Otto's marriage with 

your daughter ? You have a secret agree- 
ment with Philip of Swabia who wishes 
her to marry his nephew Frederick of 
Sicily Ill 1 114 

Letters to Philip Duke of Swabia 

1200 May Definition of Pontifical position . . . Ill 1030 
1207 Nov. 1. Our blessing, make peace in The Empire . Ill 11 29 

Letter to Otto Markgraf of Brandenburg 

1200 May Love your wife, honour your clergy, give 
up tournaments and compel converts 
to abandon pagan practices P 1042 






APPENDIX VI 255 

Letters to the Dukes of Austria 
Frederick 

DATE. SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

1 198 May 30. Refund your share of King Richard's 

ransom I 206 

Leopold VI 

1204 Jan. 7. Matrimonial disappointments . . .II 225 

1208 Feb. 25. Crusade! II 1339 

1209 Nov. 13. Bishopric of Bamberg . . . .Ill 151 

Letters to Geoffrey Prince of Akhaia 

12 10 Nov. 5. Help the Archbishop of Patras against 

pirates Ill 342 

1 2 12 Apr. 7. Restore stolen Church property at An- 

dravida Ill 560 

May 18. Restore stolen Church property at Korinth III 624 

Letters to Othon de la Roche Megaskyr of Athens 

1208 Jul. 14. Do not make illegal exactions from the 

clergy I H35 

1209 Jan. 23. Respect Church property .... II 1549 

12 12 Apr. 7. Restore Church property . . . .Ill 590 
1216 Jan. 12. Gift of the castle of Livadia to the Church P 5052 

Letters to Balmo Constable of Thessalonika 

1208 Jul. 14. Restore Church property .... I 1434 

1209 Jan. 24. As you have restored Church property pay 

tithes II iS5 r 

Letters to the King of Connaught 222 

1200 Sep. Respect the rights of fugitives in sanctuary I 875 
Dec. Do not abuse Our concessions to you . P 1209 

1213 Apr. 19. Invitation to the Lateran Council . . P 4706 

Letters to Simon de Montfort 

1206 Jul. 2. Compensation for Archbishop of Narbonne P 2835 

1209 Nov. 12. Report progress, and Confirmation in 

Heretics' Lands Ill 151 

1210 Jun. 28. Grant of Albi Ill 282 

222 His name appears to have been Cathal Crobhdearg mac Toird 
helbhach. 



DATE. 




1210 Dec. 


17 


1212 Sep. 


11, 


1213 Jan. 


i5- 


Jun. 


1. 


12 14 Jan. 


23' 


121 5 Apr. 


2. 


Dec. 


14. 



256 APPENDIX VI 

SUBJECT. REFERENCE. 

Leave to raise a house-tax to finance 

Crusade Ill 357 

Thanks for 1000 marks in silver . . Ill 693 
Homage to En Peyre of Aragon for Car- 
cassonne Ill 743 

Restitution of county of Foix . . . Ill 489 

Set free En Peyre's son . . . .Ill 959 

Concerning conquered territory P 4967 

Decision of Lateran Council on same . P 5011 

Letters to Raymond of Toulouse 

1201 Dec. Please take measures against heretics . P 1550 

1207 May 29. Cease from persecuting the Church. "You 

are an impious and barbarous tyrant, 
you favour heresy, and plunder the re- 
ligious, and you oppress and starve the 
Church" 

1209 Jul. 27. Good behaviour . 

1 2 10 Jan. 23. Prosecute heretics 

Dec. 17. Do keep to your promise to suppress the 

heresy 

1215 Dec. 14. Decision of Lateran Council 

1208 Mar. 10. Raymond's vassals were released from 

fealty to him and confirmed in their 
lands which they had held of him . . II 1354 
1210 Dec. 17. A Breve urges the Count of Foix and the 

Viscount of Beam to extirpate Heresy . P 4148 

Letters to the Bishops of the South of France 

1204 May 31. Assist the legates SSB P 2230 

1209 Feb. 3. To proceed against Heretics in general. 

The Letter to the Bishops was to be 
fastened to Church doors, and read 
aloud as an invitation and a command 
to " all men " to proceed against the 
Heretics II 1545 

223 On May 31, 1204, the Lord Innocent nominated Arnauld Amaury, 
Cistercian Abbot of Citeaux, the Legate Pierre de Castelnau and Cardinal 
Raoul d' Arras to form a Commission of Inquisition. 



II 


1 166 


III 


IOO 


III 


173 


III 


356 


p 


5012 



INDEX 



Aachen, Philip of Swabia abdicates 
and is recrowned at, 43 ; Frederick 
II crowned at, 54 

"Aboriginal," Newman's epithet, note 
122, 189 

Acerra, Diopold, Count of, excom- 
municated, note 38, 89 ; supports 
Markwald, id. ; defeated at Capua, 
96, and Barletta, 97 ; kills Gaultier 
de Brienne, reconciled to the 
Church, 98 

Acquapendente, bone of contention be- 
tween Rome and Orvieto, 158, 159 

Acre, Jean elect Abp. of, Latin Elector 
in Romania, note 32, 71 

Adamo, Brother Salimbene di, quoted, 
201, note 133 

Adelardo, Cardinal, 211 

Adoration, Heretic ceremony of, 106 

Affonso II, King of Portugal, 243 

Akhaia, Principality of, instituted, 72 ; 
Geoffrey, Prince of, 255 ; Bishops 
of, chidden for excessive zeal, 78, 
note 4g ; regulations concerning 
Latin Archbishops in, 78, note 42 

Albert II, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 181, 
182, notes zof, 106, 107, 249 

Alberti, Gregorio de', Cardinal, 212 

Albi, Bp. of, 105, 121 

Albigensians, Heresy, Chap. VI ; 102, 
103; aggressive persecutors, 106, 
108; tenets, 113, 114; First A. 
Crusade, leaders of, 121, 122 ; 
Second ditto degenerates into per- 
sonal struggle between Raymond 
VI and Simon de Montfort, 123, 
124; Third (Peaceful Crusade), 
126, 127 

Albina, hss. of Taranto and Lecce, 93 

Aleppo (Haleb), Sultan of, 245 



Alessandria, 123, 124 

Alexander P.M. Ill, 164 

Alexii, Family of, 170 

Alexios I Komnenos, Basileus of 

Trebizonde, 72 
Alexios III Angelos, 59, note 28, 66, 

67, 69, 72, 186, 240 

Alexios IIII Angelos, Symbasileus, 67, 

68, 69, 240 

Alexios V Dukas (Murtzuphlos), 68 

69, note 31, 70 
Alfonso I, K. of Aragon, 97 
Alfonso Villi, K. of Castile, 241 
Alfonso Villi, K. of Leon, 190, 241 
Alet, Abbey of, 106 
Allucignoli, Gherardo, Cardinal, 212 
Amalfi, Abp. of, suffocated at the 

Lateran Council, 198 ; Pietro 
Capuano da, Cardinal, 213 

Amaury II, K. of Jerusalem, 183, 184, 
240, 244 

Ameria, Mauro, Bp. of, Cardinal, 216 

Andravida, 255 

Andros, Lordship of, 72 

Angelo, cr. Cardinal 1207, 216 

Angels, defined by CEcumenical Coun- 
cil, 199 

Anibaldi, Family of, 170 

Antioch, Patriarch of, 183, notes 113, 
114', Patriarch (Maronite) Jonas, 
198 ; Prince of, 58 

Apron, 72 

Aquilaeia, Patriarch of, 238 

Aragon, cf. Alfonso I, Peyre II 

Arians, 108 

Arias, Pedro, Grandmaster of the Order 
of Santiago, 248 

Armenia, Gregorios Katholikos of, 251 ; 
Levon II, K. of, excommunicated, 
80 ; letters, 244 

R 



253 



INDEX 



Armenian Church submits to Rome, 187 

Arras, Raoul d", Cardinal, 226, note 223 

Athens, Berard, Abp. of, 74, note 36, 
78, notes 42, 47, 255 ; Lordship of 
instituted, 72 ; Othon de la Roche 
Megaskyr of, 63, 74, note 35, 255 

Auch, Abp. of, 107 

Austria, 1 Leopold VI Duke of, 2nd 
Alb. Crus., 123 

Auterius, sentence on Petrus, 1 13, 
note 70 

Autun, Gaultier II Abp. of, 1st Alb. 
Crus., 121 

Auxerre, Guillaume de Seignelay Bp. 
of, 188, 237; Count of, 121 

Avesnes, Jacques d', Crusader, 63 

Avignon, Great Schism, 12 ; sancti- 
monious profligacy of, 102 ; ac- 
quired for Holy See, 199, note 132 

Babylonish Captivity, 102 

Balbo Pantaleone, Venetian Elector, 
Romania, note 33, 71 

Baldwin I, Emperor of Romania, 61, 
63. 7% 74. 240 

Baleggio, Giovanni, Venetian Elector 
of Romania, note 33, 71 

Balmo, Constable of Kingdom of Thes- 
salonika, 255 

Bamberg, Thiemo Bishop of, 26 ; 
question of, 239 

Baptism, v. Paidobaptism 

Bar, Theobald Duke of, 2nd Alb. 
Crus., 123 

Barberini (Urban P.M. VIII), 101 

Barisone I, Judge of Gallura, 157 

Baroncelli, Family of, 176 

Barons of England, censured by Inno- 
cent, note 8g, 148 

Bartt, Hermann, Grand Master Teu- 
tonic Order, 247 

Basso, Ugo di, 155 

Bavaria, Dukes of, xv, 26 

Bayeux, Henry Bishop of, 1st Alb. 
Crus., 121 ; 2nd Alb. Crus., 123 

Beam, Gaston VI Viscount of, heresi- 
arch, 121, 124, 256 

Beaujeu, Guy Lord of, 1st Alb. Crus., 
121 



Beaulieu, Abbey of, note 85a, 1 39 ; 
Abbot of, note 85a, 126, 139 

Beccaria, Giacomo Guala de, Cardinal, 
215, 218 

Beham, Albert von, 204 

Benedetto, created Cardinal 1200, 214, 
218 

Benedetto, created Cardinal 121 1, 216, 
218 

Benevento, battle of, 82 

Berengere, Queen of England, 131, 146 

Berg, Count of, 2nd Alb. Cms., 123 

Bergamo, 153, 154 

Bernard, Raymond, named "bishop" 
of Toulouse by Niquinta, 116 

Bernard the Treasurer, chronicle quoted, 
note 61, 93 

Bernardo, Cardinal, 212 

Bertramo, cr. Cardinal 12 12, 217, 219 

Besant, Sir Walter, quoted note gi, 155 

Bethlehem, Bishop of, Crusader, 63 ; 
Latin Elector, Romania, 71 

Bethune, Lord of, Crusader, 63 

Beza, De hereticis a magistralu civili 
puniendis, 1 19 

Beziers, Bishop of, deposed, 118; 
Raymond-Roger, Viscount of, son 
of heresiarch, 121 ; imprisoned and 
dies, 122 ; massacre of, 122 ; Guil- 
laume III, Bishop of, 122 

Bisenzo, Guido da, note 203, 219 

Black Friars, 173 

Blois, Count of, Crusader, 61 ; Guil- 
laume de, Cardinal, 211 
Bobo, Cardinal, 213 
Bohemond, Count of Tripoli, notes 112, 

us, 183 

Borgia (Alexander P.M. VI), 101 
Borgo, Innocent founds Santo Spirito 

in, 172 
Boulgres, 108 

Boulogne, Count of, Crusader, 61 
Bourges, Gerard de Cros Archbishop 

1st Alb. Crus., 121 
Brabant, Henry Duke of, letters, 254 ; 

Milo de, Crusader, 63 
Brancaleone, Leone, created Cardinal 

1200, 214, 218 
Brandenburg, Otto Markgraf of, 254 



INDEX 



259 



Bremen, Hartwich Archbishop of, 26 
Brienne, Gaultier de, Crusader, 63 ; 
claims Taranto and Lecce, 93 ; 
returns from France, 96 ; killed at 
Sarno, 98; Jean de, Crusader, 61, 
63 ; King of Jerusalem iure icxoris, 
184 ; Co-Emperor of Romania, 
note 118 ; Letters, 245 
Bruno V, Guelf Archbishop of Coin, 

45 
Bulgarians, 74, 186 ; Heretics, 108 
Bulls — Cum Quanta Gloria, note 216, 
242; Etsi A'ostra Navicula, 117 ; 
■Et Zizania, 87 ; Imperialis Ex- 
cellentit, 59 ; In eminenti Apos- 
tolice Sedis, 1 8 ; Interest Apostolice 
Sedis, 34 ; Legimus in Daniele, 
note 218, 81, 245 ; Miramur 
Plurimum, note 80, 148, 149; Re- 
ligiosam vitam, 18 ; Sicut in Area, 

237 

Buonhomini della Commune, 170 
Burgundy, dissenters burned in, 104 ; 

Eudes III Duke of, 1st Alb. Cms., 

121 
Byzantion, fire at, 67; sack of, 70; 

relics ravished from, 71 
Byzantine Empire, destroyed by Fourth 

Crusade, 66 ; titles, 196 

Cagliari, 155 

Cajetani, Ildebrando, cr. Cardinal 
1206, 215 

Calvin. Jure gladii coercendos esse 
hereticos, 119 

Cambray, Pierre de Corbeil Bishop of, 
13, 27, 43 

Canon Law, 198 

Canon of the Mass, 187, 198 

Canons of Antioch urged to act with 
Patriarch, letter, note 116, 183 

Canterbury, Primacy of, Prov. Org. of, 
disputed election to, claimants to 
right of election, 132; candidates, 
appeals to Rome, 133 ; Innocent's 
decision, 135; monks expelled, 
1 36 ; shrine of St Thomas of, 
Lothario's pilgrimage to, 15 

Cantilupe, Fulk de, 251 



Capestrang, Council of, 103 

Capitol, held for Pope by Senator 
Pandolfo, 169 

Capocci, Giovanni, Roman demagogue, 
163 ; hostile to Innocent, 164; ex- 
cessive conduct, 165, 166, 167 ; 
abandoned by Pierleone, wars with 
Pope, 170; Raniero, O.S.B. Cist, 
cr. Cardinal 12 12, 216, 219 

Capparone seizes Palermo, 97 

Capua, Archbishop of, letter, note j8, 
88 

Capuchin Order, schism from Friars 
Minor, 173 

Carbonis Gilido, 170 

Carcassonne, Raymond-Roger Vis- 
count of, note 76, 115; attacked 
by Alb. Crus., 121 

Cardoville, Gaultier de, Crusader, 64 

Carinthia, Duke of, 26 

Carpentras, Bishop of, 122 

Carthage, Lord, Abbot of Mount 
Melleray, note 85a, 

Carusomo, Benedetto, Senator of Rome, 

163 
Casse, 124 

Casseneuil, siege of, 125 
Castelnau, Pierre de, Legate to Albi- 

geois, 118; murdered, 119 ; letters, 

note 223, 256 
Castelnaudary, 124 
Cathari, 108, 109 
Cathedral services in Akhaia, Innocent 

arranges for, note 51, 79 
Ceccano, Giordano da, O.S.B. , Card. , 

19, 2ii ; Stefano da, O.S.B., cr. 

Card. 1212, 216, 219 
Celestine P.M. Ill, 17, 18, 176 
Cenci, Cinzio, cr. Card. 1212, 216, 219 
Champagne, Guillaume Blanchemain, 

Card., 211 ; Thibaut, Count of, 

Crusader, 61, 63, 64 
Champlitte, Guillaume de, Crusader, 

63 ; Prince of Akhaia, 72 
Chartres, Guillaume de, Grand Master 

Order Temp. Sol., 246 ; Reginald 

de Bar Bishop of, 1st Alb. Crus., 

121 
Charles V, H.R. Emperor, 205 



260 



INDEX 



Chiaramonte, Niccolo da, O.S.B. Cist., 

cr. Card. 1205, 215, 218 
Chinea, The, Sicilian tribute to St 

Peter, 83 
Christchurch v. Canterbury, 
Chronicon Trium Fontium, note 138, 

210 
Ciacconius, 211 et seq. 
Cistercians, 61, 138, note 83a, 139, 140 
Citeaux, Abbot of Abbots of, note 223, 

120, 256 

City (Rome), Chap. VIII, 179 

Claricia Scotti, Innocent's mother, 11 

Clement P.M. Ill, xx, 17 

Clement P.M. VII, 173 

Clergy, state of in southern France, 105 

Clermont, Robert d'Auvergne Bishop 
of, 1st Alb. Cms., 121 

Colmezzo, stolen by Lords of Gabriano 
and Varni, 165 

Coin, Adolf Archbishop of, xxiiii, 
26 ; deserts to Ghibellines for 
9000 marks, 27 ; excom., deposed, 
pardoned, Pope's friendship for, 
42 ; deposition enforced, 45 ; 
pensioned; letters, 251, 252; 
City of, Guelf, 43 ; vicissitudes, 
44; only Guelf city in Germany, 54 

Colonna,Giovanni di Sampaolo, Card., 
19, 212 

Comestor, Pierre, 13 

Commetidatio, 133 

Comminges, Bernard IIII, Count of, 

121, 123; heresiarch, 125 
Comtat Venaissin, note 132, 199 
Confession rejected by Waldenses, 

112; by Albigensians, 113 

Conge d'Elire, 132 

Connaught, King of, note 222, 197, 255 

Contarini, Bertuccio, 71 ; Venetian 
Elector, Romania, note 33 

Conti, Andrea de', note 4, 1 1 ; Giovanni 
de', Card. 11,212; Giovanni de', cr. 
Card. 1200, 214 ; Landode', Lord 
of Montelongo, 88 ; Lothario de', 
Chap. II, and v. Innocent ; Otta- 
viano de', cr. Card. 1206, 215; 
Ottone de', Lord of Palombara, 
93 ; Pietro de', Abb. Cass. cr. 



Card. 1205, 215 ; Ricardo de', 
Count of Sora, Pope's brother, 
builder of Torre di Nerone, pur- 
chases Poli mortgages, 166 ; sued 
by Oddo de' Poli, 167 ; his castle 
burned, 168 ; invested with Poli 
fiefs, 170; Saxo de', Card., 11; 
Stefano de', Canon of Bayeux, cr. 
Card. 1 2 1 2, 2 1 7-2 1 9 ; Trasimondo I, 
Lord of Ferentino, 1 1 ; Trasimondo 
II, Count of Segni, Innocent's 
father, 11 ; Trasimondo de', suitor 
for Elena of Gallura, 157 ; Ugolino 
de', cr. Card. 1198 (Gregory P.M. 
Villi), note 182 

Consolamentum, 114 

Constance, Empress, and Queen of 
Sicily, confides Frederick to In- 
nocent, 86 ; her will, disputed by 
Markwald, 87, 88 ; her marriage, 
note 38 

Conybeare, Key of Truth, quoted, 
note 78, 115 

Corbeil, Pierre de, Innocent's instruc- 
tor, his successive promotions, 13, 

27, 43 
Corkaia, King of, 198 
Corvey, Abbot of, 27 ; mitred, 44 
Costanza of Aragon marries Frederick 

II, 97 
Coucy, Enguerraud— de, 1st Alb. Crus., 

121 
Coulton's Salimbene quoted, note 133, 

201 
Councils — Capestrang, 103 ; Lombers, 

103 ; Tours, 103, 109 ; Lateran, 

104 ; Montpensier, 104 ; Monteli- 
mar, 120; Lavaur, 124; Mont- 
pellier, 126 ; Oecumenical of Late- 
ran, 197, 198 

Courtenay, Pierre de, Count of Nevers, 

1st Alb. Crus., 121 
Cousins, Innocent vetoes marriage of 

first, note 122, 189 
Coventry, Gerard de la Pucelle Bishop 

of, 13 
Cowley, A. E. , Bodley's sub-librarian 

ix 
Credentes, grade of Albigensians, 115 



INDEX 



261 



Cremona, 152 

Crescenzi, Gregorio de', cr. Card. 1206, 

notes 182, iSy, 214, 215, 219 
Crescenzi, Gregorio de', Card., 212 
Cristofori, 211 et seq. 
Cross, Albigensian doctrine of the, note 

77, US 
Crusade, Fourth, 56, 57, 60, 61, 64, 65 ; 

Chap. IIII, 66 
Curia, reformed, 174 
Curson, Robert, cr. Card. 1212, 125, 

217, 218 
Cyprus, 59, 186, 198 

Dalmatia, King of, note 21 7, 244 

Dampierre, Lord of, Crusader, 63 

Dandolo, Enrico, Doge of Venice, 
rumours about, 64 ; blinded by By- 
zantines, 69 ; overreaches Alexios 
V, candidate for Empire, his 
titles, 75 ; letters, 246 ; Vitale, 
Venetian elector, Romania, note jj 

Daulis, Bishop of, note Ji, 79 

Devic, O.S.B., 107 

Dime Saladine, 62 

Documents, Sicilian, note 58, 88 

Domini canes, note 79, 119 

Dominicans, 73 

Douai, Pierre de, cr. Card., 121 2, 216, 
219 

Dublin, Archbishop of, 236, 251 

Dukas, v. Alexios V 

Durazzo, Archbishop of, 76 

Ehrle, Rev. F. S., S.J., Subprefect of 
the Vatican Library, ix, note 86, 144 

Eidola Fori, 108 

Elena, heiress of Gallura, rejects 
Trasimondo de' Conti, excommu- 
nicated, 157 

Ely, Eustace Bishop of, 137 

Embrun, Archbishop of, 126 

Emperor, The, extraimperial dominions 
of, 86 

Empire, The, Chap. Ill ; disputed suc- 
cession to, 24 et seq. 

Endre II, King of Hungary, complains 
of Venetians, 195; opposes legation 
to Bulgaria, 196 ; letters, 196 



Endura, Albigensian ceremony of sui- 
cide, 115 
England, Chap. VII, 129 
En-nacer, Moorish sovereign, defeated 

at Navas de Tolosa, 186 
Epiros, Despot of, note 41, 76 
Eppstein, Siegfried von, Guelfic Arch- 
bishop of Mainz, 37 ; Cardinal 
1206, note 188, 215 
Erik X, King of Sweden, invited to 

Lateran Council, 243 
Euphrosyne, Basilissa, 69 
Eustace of Flanders, Crusader, 63 
Extreme Unction, validity of denied 
by Albigensians, 113 

Ferentino, v. Trasimondo de' Conti. 

Fernandez, Nuno, Grandmaster of the 
Order of San Julian del Pereiro, 248 

Fernando VII, marries his own nieces, 
note 123, 190 

Ferrara, 153 

Flanders, Baldwin Villi Count of, 
Crusader, 61, 63 ; Emperor of 
Romania, 71; blunders at Bulgaria, 
74 ; Letters to, 240 

Foix, Raymond Roger Count of, 120, 
123, 125, 256 

Fontcaude, Bernard Abbot of, 107, 109 

Foulques de Neuilly, 61, 66 

Foundling Hospital (Santo Spirito), 
note 97, 172 

Fourth Crusade, Chapter IIII 

Frederick of Antioch, note 155, 207 

Frederick II, Stupor Mundi, confers 
with Innocent and holds diet at 
Konstanz, 53 ; crowned at Aachen, 
54 ; crowned King of Sicily, 87 ; 
asserted to be a changeling, 91 ; 
position improved by Pope's recog- 
nition of Brienne claims, 83 ; im- 
prisoned by Markwald, 94 ; marries 
Costanza of Aragon, 97 ; comes of 
age, 98 ; reduces Sicily to order, 

99 
Friars Minor, 173 ; Friars Preachers, 

173 
Frangipani, 170 
Frouville, Lord of, Crusader, 63 



262 



INDEX 



Gabriano, Lord of, steals lands of 

Colmezzo family, 165 
Gajat-et-din, 67 

Galgano, Cardinal Gregorio, 212 
Gallipoli, Bishop of, note 44, 78, 

158 
Gallocia, Cardinal Pietro, 211 
Galvani, Pelagio de', O.S.B., cr. Car- 
dinal 1206, 215 
Garcias, Rodrigo, Grandmaster of the 

Order of Calatrava, 248 
Gascony, infected with Heresy, 104 
Gaston, castle of, to be restored to the 

Templars, 244 
Gaultier, cr. Cardinal 121 1, 216 
Genoa, 62, 157 
Geoffrey, Archdeacon of Norwich, 

murdered by John, 141 
Gerard, Abbot of Pontigny, cr. Car- 
dinal 1 198, 214 
Geremei, Ugo de', note 178, 213 
Gervais, Patriarch of Constantinople, 

80, 249 
Ghibelline Party, 26 
Giovanni, cr. Cardinal 1206, 215 
Goch, Sentence on Bernard de, note ?j, 

114 
Goffredo, cr. Cardinal 121 1, 216 
Gonzalez, Pedro, Grandmaster of the 

Order of Santiago, 248 
Gran, Archbishop of, 195 
Gray, John de, Bishop of Norwich, 133, 

134. 253 
Great Orders acquire land in Romania, 

76 
Greek Toleration, instance of, 67 
Gregorio, fails in mission to Russia, 

186 ; cr. Cardinal 1207, 213 
Gregorio, cr. Cardinal 121 1, 216 
Gregory P.M. VIII, confers sub- 

diaconate on Lothario, 16 
Gregory P.M. Villi, note 182, 214 
Grey Friars, 173 
Gruffydd ap Rhys, Prince of South 

Wales, does homage to John, note 

8ja, 139 
Guelf Party, 27 

Guthorm, King of Norway, 194 
Guy, Cistercian Inquisitor, 107 



Guzman, Domingo de (St. Dominic), 
118, 127 

Haakon IIII, King of Norway, 194 

Halberstadt, Konrad Bishop of, Cru- 
sader, 63 ; Latin Elector in 
Romania, 71 

Haleb, Sultan of, 181 

Henricians, 108 

Henry I, Emperor of Romania, 63, 77, 
240 

Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor, 
King of Sicily, 23 ; his marriage, 
88 ; paternity of Frederick II, 
denied by Markwald, 91 

Henry VIII, Tudor, 214 

Herakleia, 72 

Herakleia, Archbishop of, 80 

Heretication, ceremony of, note 72, 1 14 

Heretic leaders against First Albigen- 
sian Crusade, 121 

Hildebrand, 101 

Hildesheim, Konrad, Bishop of, Chan- 
cellor of the Empire, 26 

Hismael, Pietro, Innocent's school- 
master, 11 

Histoire ginirale de Languedoc, 107 

History of the Inquisition, 107 

Holy Land, 81 — 

Holy Office of Inquisition first estab- 
lished, 117 

Honorius, Archdeacon of Richmond, 
236 

Honorius, P. M. Ill, consecrates 
Pandolfo as Bishop of Norwich, 
note 86, 114, and note 180, 213 

Horal, Gilbert, Grandmaster of the 
Order of the Temple of Solomon, 
quarrels with Monaco, Patriarch of 
Jerusalem, 181 ; letters, 296 

Hospitallers, tithe collectors in Akhaia, 
78, and note 47 ; reproved for 
theft, 182 ; notes no, 111 

Hugh I, King of Cyprus, 184, 245 

Hungary, 195, 241 

Illness of Innocent, 97, 168 
Imre, King of Hungary, 195, 241 
Infanticide in Rome, 172 



INDEX 



263 



Ingebiorg, Queen of France, 192, 193, 
237,238,255 

Ingi I, Usurper in Norway, 194 

Ingi II, King of Norway, 194 

Innocent P. M. Ill,— Descent of, 
uncertain, 10 ; parentage, uncles, 
11 ; education, Lateran, Paris, 12 ; 
Bologna, 14 ; pilgrim to Canter- 
bury, returns to Rome, 15 ; effects 
of education, subdeacon, 16 ; 
Canon of St. Peter's, by the 
Vatican, Cardinal of SS. Sergius 
and Bacchus, 17 ; De Contemfitu 
Mundi, 18 ; elected Pope, omens 
before election, ordination, conse- 
cration, coronation, 19 ; preaches 
at consecration, 20 ; (The sermon, 
Appendix IIII, 220) ; begins to 
reign, 21 ; relations with The 
Empire, 22 ; champion of " United 
Italy," 23 ; confirms Sicily to 
Empress Constance, 24 ; an- 
nounces his neutrality in Imperial 
Questions, 28, 29 ; betrayed by an 
idiot Bishop, 30, 31 ; publishes the 
Deliberation 33 ; recognizes Otto 
of Brunswick as Elect-Emperor, 
35 ; match-maker for Otto, Regesta 
(catalogued by Potthast), 37 ; 
letters on behalf of Otto, annoyed 
by Mainz election, 37 ; depressed 
by continual desertions from Otto 
to Philip, 38 ; recognizes Jupan of 
Bohemia as king, 40 ; suspects, 
deposes, and pensions Adolf of 
Coin, 41, 42 ; abandons Otto, 44 ; 
recognizes Philip, confirms Sieg- 
fried von Eppstein as Archbishop 
of Mainz, 46 ; hears, at Sora, of 
Philip's murder, 47 ; crowns Otto, 
49 ; warns Otto, 50, and note 24. ; 
excommunicates Otto, 51; confers 
with Frederick II, 53 ; authority 
over the Germans, 54 ; Fixed idea, 
a Crusade, 57 ; urges Alexios III 
to end schism, 59 ; preparations 
for Crusade, 60 ; commissions Foul- 
ques de Neuilly to preach Crusade, 
economies for Crusade, 61 ; sus- 



picious of Venetian banausia, 63 ; 
Pietro I, of Capua, legate to Cru- 
saders, excommunicates Crusaders 
for attacking Christian Zara, 65 ; 
confirms election of Patriarch 
Morosini, 72, 73 ; writes to Alexios 
IIII, 73 ; exhorts Romanian prin- 
ces to honesty, 73, 74 ; snubbed 
by Kaloyan, 74 ; cares increased 
by success of Fourth Crusade, 75 ; 
recognizes Orthodox Orders, urges 
Theodorus I co acknowledge 
Henry Emperor of Romania, 76 ; 
case of Archbishop Durazzo, 76 ; 
organizes Latin Hierarchy in 
Romania, 77 ; measures to benefit 
Romania, 78 ; protects Orthodox 
monasteries, vexed by Venetians, 
79 ; action in disputed election at 
Constantinople, So ; disappointed 
in Fourth Crusade, 81 ; conception 
'of His supremacy, 84 ; tutor of 
King Frederick and Warden of 
Sicily, 86 ; sends Lando di Monte 
Longo to help Monte Cassino, 
action against Markwald, 90 ; 
offered a bribe by Markwald, 91 ; 
invests Gaultier de Brienne with 
Taranto and Lecce, good results 
of this action, 93 ; rewards victors 
at Palermo, 95 ; excommunicates 
Bishop of Troja, 96 ; illness, 97 ; 
measure of His success in Sicily, 
98, 99 ; verdict of History upon, 
100 ; treatment of Albigensians, 
103 ; names Cistercian Inquisitors 
to deal with heresy, 109 ; action 
in the Albigeois, 117; approves 
zeal of St. Dominic and the Bishop 
of Osma, 118; proclaims First 
Albigensian Crusade, novelty of 
this, 1 19 ; anticipates Beza and 
Calvin, 1 19; appoints two more 
legates in the Albigeois, 120 ; pro- 
claims Second Albigensian Cru- 
sade, 123 ; rebukes Simon de 
Montfort's ambition, revokes com- 
mission of Crusade, 124 ; favours 
Raymond VI, but is influenced by 



264 



INDEX 



Lateran Council, pensions and 
provides for his son, 126; regrets 
cruelties of Albigensian Crusades, 
127 ; England, 129, 150 ; friend- 
ship for Richard Lionheart, 130; 
non-interference with international 
affairs of England and France, 
urges John to pay Richard's 
legacies, 131 ; and to crusade, 
131 ; letter to Don Sancho of 
Navarre, 131 ; Canterbury elec- 
tion, 133; refuses Reginald and 
John de Gray, 134 ; causes election 
of Langton, acquaints John with 
the fact, 135 ; rebukes John's 
violence, suggests payment of 
Berengere's dowry, 137 ; interdict 
on England, 138 ; carps at Cister- 
cians for disregarding it, insists on 
amends to Archbishop of York, 
140 ; sends Pandolfo nuncio to 
John, deposes John, awards Eng- 
land to Philip the August, 142; 
accepts John's submission, docu- 
ments, 145 ; supports John against 
the barons, warns Philip the 
August not to assail John, 147 ; 
absolves John from oath to abide 
by Magna Carta, deceived by 
John's promises, 148; dealings with 
England an example of pontifical 
fallibility in temporal affairs, 150, 
151, 178 ; difficulties with Romans, 
152; method with rebels, 154; 
letter to Guglielmo da Massa, 
Judge of Cagliari, 155 ; makes 
Blasio Archbishop of Torres, 156 ; 
claims Sardinia as fief of Patri- 
mony, sends Trasimondo de' Conti 
to incite Genoa against Pisa, 157 ; 
makes Pisanspaytithesin Romania, 
nominates Pietro Parenzi podesta 
of Orvieto, 158 ; letter to Viter- 
bitans, 159 ; goes to Viterbo, 160; 
subordinates Civil to Canon Law 
in case of clergy, 160 ; largesse to 
Romans, 161 ; changes Roman 
Constitution, 162 ; holds balance 
between Rome and Viterbo, action 



in Gabriano-Varni case, 165 ; relies 
on his brother for support, 166 ; 
misplaced generosity in the case of 
Poli vs. Conti, 167 ; leaves Rome 
for Ferentino, serious illness (see 
p. 97), 168 ; returns to Rome, 169 ; 
gains ultimate victory in the City, 
1 70; His policy that of Wise 
Ruler, commercial classes, estab- 
lishes organised system of charity, 
171 ; charitable foundations, 172; 
confirmation of Religious Orders, 
173; curial reforms, 174; His 
enormous energies, diplomacy, 
176; Eastern Question, petty de- 
tails, 177; problems confronting 
Him, 179; enthusiasm, His govern- 
ment of the East, 180, 181 ; copi- 
ous correspondence, 181 ; frequent 
letters to Crusaders, Patriarchs of 
Jerusalem, Templars, 181, 182 ; 
His disappointments in Palestine, 
183, 184 ; fixes primacy of Spain 
at Toledo, 185, and note ng ; 
strives to end schism (see p. 59), 
186 ; urges toleration for Spanish 
Jews, 186, note 120 ; arranges 
terms with Serbia and Bulgaria, 
186 ; writes to Grand Master 
Knights of the Sword and Duke 
of Pomerania, receives submission 
of Armenian Church, writes to 
Bishops of Poland, sends mission- 
aries to Pagan Prussia, Church 
reforms, 187 ; confirms lands in 
Poland, to Order of Holy Sepul- 
chre, note 121, 188 ; dealings with 
Philip the August, 188 ; legitimates 
children of doubtful marriages, 
189 ; champions Queen Ingebiorg, 
denounces Agnes de Meran, ten 
letters to King Philip the August, 
192, 197 ; letter to Bishop of 
Modena on usury, 193, note 125 ; 
interferes on behalf of Jews, 194, 
notes 126, 127 ; dealings with 
Norway, 194; Denmark, Hungary, 
Sweden, 195 ; grants royal title to 
Bulgar Kaloyan, 196 ; controls 



INDEX 



265 



King of Connaught, summons 
Fourth Oecumenical Council, 197, 
198, 199 ; His character, 200, 201, 
202 ; the Holy Coat, 202 ; con- 
temporary opinions about, 202, 
203, 204, and notes 134-146 ; 
portrait in Sacro Speco at 
Subiaco, 204 ; revises Canon of 
the Mass, called INNOCENTIUS 
MAGNUS by Albert Beham, 204 ; 
His pride, His tireless energy, 
assumes title Vicar of Christ, 205, 
note 147 ; itinerary of His reign, 
206, 207, 208, notes 148-157 ; His 
methods, 208 ; literary critic, hymn 
writing, knowledge of Scripture, 
His motto, 209 ; His death, armo- 
rials, 210, note 158 ; His creatures, 
214, 215, 216, 217. 

Innocent P. M. VIII, 71 

Inquisition, note 222, 255 

Interdict on England, 138 

Interdict on France, 61 

Ioannes X Kamtera, 248 

Ion Kurling, usurper in Norway, 194 

Isabella, Queen of Jerusalem, 184 

Itinerary of Innocent's Pontificate, notes 
1 48-157, 206, 207, 208 

Izaak II Angelos, Basileus of Byzantion 
blinded by Alexios III, restored 
by Crusaders, objects to Latins, 
67 ; dies of fright, 68, 69 

Jerusalem, Patriarchs of, Monaco, 
told to effect settlement about See 
of Tyre, 181 ; quarrels with Grand 
Master of and excommunicates 
Templars, 182 ; rebuked by Pope 
and forced to retract, 182, notes 
J02, ioj, 104, 249 ; Albert II, 
appointment, worthier than his 
predecessor, 182, 249, 250 ; 
Rudolf attends Oecumenical 
Lateran Council, 198, 250 
Jesus, Company of, 205 
Jessopp, Canon, quoted, note 86, 144 
Jews, 62, note 120, 186, note 127, 194 
Johannes, cr. Cardinal 1205, 215, 
218 



Johannes, cr. Cardinal 121 1, note 198, 
216, note 204, 218 

John, King of England, pleads for 
Raymond VI, 126 ; sides with 
Otto, but refuses to pay Richard's 
legacy, 130 (cf. 39) ; unenviable 
financial reputation, 131 ; orders 
election of John de Gray as 
Primate, 134 ; suggested diabo- 
lical ancestry, 135 ; objection to 
Langton and threats, hyaena-like 
barbarity to Canterbury monks, 
136; confiscates the temporalities 
of See of York, harries clergy for 
money, his oath, 137 ; banishes 
clergy, 138 ; founds \ Beaulieu 
Abbey, writes insincerely to In- 
nocent, phase of Christianity, 139, 
note 85a ; financial exactions, 140 
ib. ; excommunicated, 141 ; deposed, 
offers amends, 142 ; surrenders his 
realm to Holy See, 145, and notes 
87, 88, 145, 146, 147; deceives 
Innocent with lying promises to 
go on crusade, absolved from oath 
to keep Magna Carta, 148 ; oppo- 
sition to Church, 188 

Joinville, Lord of, Crusader, 61, 63 

Julich, Count of, 2nd Alb. Crus., 123 

Kaloyan, Tsar of Bulgaria, refuses 

pontifical requests to liberate Emp. 

Baldwin I, 74 ; receives royal 

title, 196 ; assumes Tsardom, 

197 ; letters to, 243 
Kamtera, Ioannes X, Patriarch of 

Byzantion, 248 
Kanabos, Nikolaos, unsuccessful and 

unwillling claimant for Basilicate, 

68 
Kardia, Bishop of, letter to, note 53, 79 
Kleve, Count of, 2nd Alb. Crus., 123 
Knights of the Sword, letter to Grand 

Master of 1212, 187 
Knut VI, King of Denmark, letters 

to, 243 
Knut I, King of Sweden, note 128, 

195 
Kolocz, Archbishop of, 195, 241 



266 



INDEX 



Konstanz, Dietholm Bishop of, 26 ; 
wins over Archbishop of Coin, 40 ; 
Diet of 121 3, S3 

Lakedaimon, 72 

Langton, Stephen, Cardinal-Pres. Tit. 
St. Chrysogonus, early life, divides 
Bible into chapters, elected Pan- 
anglican Primate, note 83, 135 ; 
consecrated Archbishop of Can- 
terbury by Pope, 136 ; exile at 
Pontigny, 137 ; first official act 
(consecration of Hugh of Wells 
at Melun), 141 ; arbitrary temper, 
149 ; Cardinalature, 216, 219 ; 
letters to, 251 

Larissa, Archbishop of, note 40, 76 

Larse, Guillaume de, 252 

Lateran Council 1169, 104 

Lateran Council 1179, 107, 109 

Lateran Council 121 5, 80, 126, 197, 
198, 256 

Latin Hierarchy in Romania, organized, 
77, 78 ; not a conquest of Ortho- 
doxy, 81 

Latin Princes in Romania, thievish 
tendencies, 73 ; gifts to Templars, 
77 ; indiscipline of, 78 

Latin Rite, Greek clerks to be ordained 
by, 76 

Laval, Lord of, Crusader, 63 

Lavaur, besieged by 2nd Alb. Crus., 
123; Council of, 1213, 124; im- 
putealization of Lady Giraude of, 
124 

Lavian, Otto de, excommunicated, 
note sj, 89 

Lecce, Count of, v. Brienne, Gaultier 
de 

Lemnos, Admiralty of, 72 

Leonistae, 108 

Lerat, Geoffrey, Grandmaster of the 
Order of the Hospital of Saint 
John of Jerusalem, 247 

Lerida, Bishopric of, 104 

Levon II, King of Armenia, robber 
of Temple, excommunicated, 
absolved, 180 

Lille, Manasses de, Crusader, 63 



Limborch, Hist. Inq., 107 

Limburg, Duke of, Guelf, 43 

Limoges, Bishop of, 236 

Lincoln, Bishop of, Chancellor Pro- 
vince of Canterbury, 132 ; Hugh of 
Wells elected Bishop of, 141 ; 
John visits, note 8ja, 139 

Lisieux, Jourdain de Hommet Bishop 
of, 1st Alb. Cms., 121 ; 2nd Alb. 
Crus., 123 

Livadia, Castle of, 255 

Loca, Pietro, Abbot of, Latin Elector 
in Romania, note 32, 7 1 

Lodeve, Bishop of, 109 

Lombardy, held by Henry VI, 23 

Lombers, Council of, 103, 105, 109 

London, Bishop of, Dean of Province 
of Canterbury, 132 ; Wm. de Ste 
Mere Eglise, Bishop of, 137 

" Lord of a Quarter-and-half-of-a- 
Quarter of the Roman Empire," 
title of Doge of Venice, note 38, 75 

Loudun, Bishop of, 2nd Alb. Crus., 123 

Louis of France, 3rd Alb. Crus., 126 

Luchaire, Achille, quoted, note 6i, 93 

Lumbricia, King of, 138 

Lyonnais, Count of, Crusader, 61 

Mabillon, Vetera Analecia, 137 

Macaulay, Lord, 111 

Magaddi, Emir of Sicilian Saracens, 
94 ; killed at Palermo, 95 

Magdeburg, Rudolf Archbishop of, 26 

Magna Carta, 148 

Mailly, Nicholas de, Crus., 61, 63 

Mainz, Archbishops of, Leopold von 
Schonfeld, Ghibelline, 37 ; Sieg- 
fried von Eppstein, Guelf, 37 ; 
Konrad von Wittelsbach, 211 

Malaspina, Count of, Crus., 63 

Manichaeism, 108, 1 16 

Mantua, 23, 153 

Manuel I Komnenos, 72 

Marches, The, held by Henry VI, 23 ; 
granted by Otto IIII to Azzo 
d'Este, 49 ; confirmed to same in 
rectum feudum by Innocent, 50 ; 
roused by Innocent against Mark- 
wald, 88 



INDEX 



267 



Maremma, stolen from Church by 
Carusomo, 163 

Margare, Abbot of, quoted, 109, no, 
in 

Maria of Brabant, 53 

Maria, Queen of Thessalonika, 72 

Maria, Queen of Aragon, 242 

Maria Yolanda, Queen of Jerusalem, 
marries Jean de Brienne, note 118, 
184 

Markwald von Anweiler, deposed by 
Innocent from governorship of the 
Marches, 86 ; disputes will of 
Empress Constance, denounced 
by Innoceut, 87 ; documents 
concerning, note 58, 88 ; second 
excommunication, note 58 ; takes 
San Germano, 89 ; raises siege of 
Monte Cassino, aims at crown of 
Sicily, Pope's measures against, to 
be treated as a Saracen, goes 
into Apulia, 90 ; tries to bribe 
Innocent, asserts Frederick II to 
be a changeling, duplicity, 91 ; 
goes to Sicily, sets up as a brigand, 
92 ; captures Frederick II, 93 ; 
does not murder him, alliance with 
Magaddi, 94 ; defeated at Palermo, 
recovers from defeat, quarrels 
with Bishop Troja, 96 ; dies 
Sept. 1202, 97 

Marlborge, Thomas, journey to Rome, 
note 82, 133 

Martinez, Martin, Grandmaster of the 
Order of Calatrava, 248 

Massa, Guglielmo da, Judge of Cagliari, 

155 

Massacre of Toledo Jews, note 120, 
186 

Mastai Ferretti (Pius P.M. Villi), 19 

Matha, Jean de, co-founder of Trini- 
tarians, 173 

Matteo, created Cardinal 1200, note 183, 
214 

Mauro, Bishop of Ameria, created 
Cardinal 1207, 216 

Maximos II, Patriarch of Byzantion, 80 

Meaux, Anselme Bishop of, 13 

Mendicant Friars, 173 



Meran, Agnes of, paramour of Philip 
the August, separated from him, 
children legitimated, 193, 237, 253 

Merry del Val, Raphael, Card. Presb. 
Tit. S. Praxede, viiii 

Messina, Archbishop of, rebels, note 58, 
88 ; Straits of, note 62, 96 

Mikhael I Angelos, Despot of Epirus, 72 

Mikhael I Komnenos, note 41, 76 

Milon, Apostolic Prothonotary, legate 
to Albigeois, 120 

Minden, Bishop of, Guelf. 27 

Mindiensia, 198 

Modena, Matildan Territory, 23 ; Papal 
letter on Usury to Bishop of, 193 

Molise, German Lords in support of 
Markwald, 87 

Monaco, Patriarch of Jerusalem, char- 
acter of, note 2ig, 249; v. Jeru- 
salem 

Monreale, Archbishop of, note 38, 88 

Montaigu, Guerin de, Grand Master 
Hospital, 247 

Montanism, 116 

Montaragon, Abbey of, 105 

Monte Cassino, Abbey of, attacked by 
Markwald, 57 ; Pope sends uncle 
to relieve, 88 ; imperilled by fall 
of San Germano, 89 ; ditto by 
want of water, relieved, 90; visited 
by Innocent, note 134, 207 

Montelimar, Council of, 120 

Montelongo, Lando de' Conti di, pon- 
tifical uncle, 88 

Montferrat, Boniface, Marquess of, 
Crusader, 63, 64 ; King of Thes- 
salonika, 72 ; letters, 245 ; Konrad, 
Marquess of, note 184, 64 

Montfort, Simon de, Earl of Leicester, 
Crusader, 61, 63 ; leader 1st Alb. 
Cms., 121 ; elected Viscount of 
Beziers and Carcassonne, negotiates 
with King of Aragon for recogni- 
tion, 122; leader 2nd Alb. Crus., 
123; ambition of rebuked by Pope, 
124; wins battle of Muret, invested 
Count of Toulouse and Duke of 
Narbonne, 125 ; causes success of 
Alb. Crus., 127 ; letters to, 255 



268 



INDEX 



Montmirail, Bernard de, Crusader, 64 
Montmorency, Mathieu de, Crusader, 

61, 64 
Montpellier, Council of, 126 ; Gaul tier 

de, Crusader, 63 ; Guy de, forms 

Confraternity of Holy Ghost, note 

97, 172 ; Marie de, Queen of 

Aragon, 242 
Montpensier, councils of, 104, 109 
Mora, Pietro da, cr. Card. 1205, 215 
Morosini, Tommasode, Patriarch C. P., 

72, 73. 77> 78, 79. 80, 248, 249 
Munster, Hermann, Bishop of, deserts 

Otto for Philip, 26, 27 
Muret, battle of, 125 

Naples, Archbishop- Admiral of, 95 

Napoleon I, 205 

Narbonne, Berenger Archbishop of, 
104 ; scandalous life, 105 ; depri- 
vation, 117 ; letter from Pope, 124, 

255 
Nauplia, Lordship of, 72 
Navagero, Niccolo, Venetian Elector 

in Romania, note 33, 71 
Navas de Tolosa, 185, 242 
Naxos, Duchy of, 72 
Nazoresca, Archbishop of, note 50, 79 
Nesle, Guy de, Crusader, Baron of 

Geraki, 63 
Neuilly, Foulques de, commissioned to 

preach 4th Crus., 61, 66; Jean 

de, Crusader, 64 
Niccolo, Card., 212 
Nicolas, Patriarch Alexandria, 251 
Nikaia, 76 

Niketas Khoniatas, 69 
Nikosia, Canons of, 245 
Niquinta, Albigensiarch, 116 
Noble Guard disbanded, 174 
Norway, disputed succession, 194 
Norwich, Geoffrey, Archdeacon of, 

141 ; John de Gray, Bishop of, 

153, 253 

Novara, 153 
Nur-ed-din, 60 

Oecumenical Council, v. Lateran 
Oldoinus, 211 et seq. 



Olivier, select heresiarch, 109 

Oloron, desecrated cathedral of, 124 

Order of St. Dominic (Black Friars, 
Pied Friars, Friars Preachers) en- 
couraged by Innocent, ratified by 
Honorius P.M. Ill, note 191, 173 ; 

Order of St. Francis (Grey Friars, 
Friars Minor), ib., favoured by 
Lateran Council, 199 ; 

Order of the Holy Sepulchre, 182, 
188, 249; 

Order of the Holy Trinity and of 
Captives (Crutched Friars, Trini- 
tarians, Mathurines), established 
by Innocent, notes 98, 99, 173 ; 

Order of the Hospital of St. John of 
Jerusalem, 78, 182, 247 ; 

Order of the Temple of Solomon, 77, 
182, 245, 246, 249, 250 

Orders, Great, v. titles 

Orders, Sacrament of, sold by Arch- 
bishop of Narbonne, 105 

Orleans, Bishop of, 188 

Orsini, Card. Bubo de (Celestine P.M. 

in), 17 ; 

Orsini, feud with Scotti, Teobaldi 
Orsini murdered by Scotti after 
banishment beyond Sampaolo 
Fuori, 166 

Orthodox monasteries protected against 
Bishops by Innocent, note 82, 79 

Orthodox Orders recognised, 76 

Orvieto, rebellious, 158; heretical, 159; 
visited by Innocent, 160 ; Raniero 
da, cr. Card. 1212, 217 

Osma, Diego Azebez Bishop of, friend 
of St. Dominic, 1 18 

Osnabruck, Gerard Bishop of, Guelf, 
26 

Otto IIII H. R. Emperor, xv ; claim 
to Empire, English, French, 
and German titles, notes 14, if, 
25 ; deserted by supporters, 26, 
27 ; representative of elective 
principle, 28 ; French king hostile 
to, 30 ; desperate case of, 33 ; 
Pope supports him, the quid 
pro quo, note 19, 36 ; matrimonial 
affairs, 37 ; disadvantages in the 



INDEX 



269 



Civil War, obtains 9000 marks 
from Lackland, 39; recognizes 
Jupan of Bohemia as king, 40 ; 
deserted by supporters, 41 ; inac- 
tivity at Brunswick, 42 ; lethargy, 
42 ; abandoned by Pope, 44 ; re- 
fuses to abdicate, 46 ; accepted as 
king by Germany, 46 ; betrothed 
to Beatrix von Hohenstauffen, 47 ; 
Philip the August continues hos- 
tile, 48 ; crowned at Rome, 1209, 
quarrels with Pope, 49 ; diplo- 
matic gaucherie, 49 ; invades the 
Kingdom, 50 ; excommunicated, 
51 ; deposed, loses German sup- 
port, 52 ; marries Beatrix, who 
dies, marries Mary of Brabant, 
53 ; defeated at Bouvines, 1214, 

54 
Ottokar, Jupan of Bohemia, 39, 40 

Paderborn, Bishop of, Guelf, 27 

Padua, 153 

Paidobaptism, Albigensians deny effi- 
cacy of, 114 

Palear, Count, supporter of Markwald, 
87 

Palermo, Archbishop of, note 38, 88 ; 
battle of, 95 ; seized by Capparone, 
97 

Palombara, Ottone de' Conti di, 93 

Pamiers, atrocities of, 120 

Pananglican Primacy, disputed election 
to, 130 

Pandolfo, Nuncio to John, 142 ; his 
rank, note 86, 142, 143, 144 ; 
Legate and Elect-Bishop of Nor- 
wich, note 86, 144 ; dies, note 86, 
144 ; obtains ^8000 for banished 
bishops, 146 

Pandolfo of the Suburra, Senator 
of Rome, banishes Scotti and 
Orsini, 166 ; besieged in the 
Capitol, 168; loyal to Innocent, 
170 ; sole senator, 171 

Papareschi Bonaventura, cr. Card. 1212, 
note 193, 216, 219 

Papareschi, Guido, O.S.B. Card., 212 

Paperasseries papales, 1 74 



Parenzi, Pietro, Podesta of Orvieto, 
158 

Paris, Archbishop of, 2nd Alb. Crus., 
123 

Parliament of Viterbo, 160 

Parma, 23, 152 

Passau, Wolfgard Bishop of, 26 

Patarini, 108, 109 

Patras, Archbishop of, notes 46, 49, 
78, 255 

Paulicians, 108 

Pentapolis, 23 

Pecci (Leo P. M. XIII), 101 

Perche, Count of, Crusader, 63 

Perfecti, grade of Albigensians, 115 

Peter the Hermit, 60 

Petrobrusians, 108 

Peyre II, King of Aragon, 109, 122, 
125, 242, 256 

Pharos, the, 87, note jy, 96, note 62 

Philip the August, King of France, 
144, 147. 190, 193, 237, 238 

Philip of Swabia King of Germany, 
invested with Tuscany, note 13; 
claimant for Empire, 24 ; atti- 
tude to Frederick II, 25 j at first 
favoured by Innocent, 29 ; appeal 
to Rome, 31 ; difficulties caused 
by Celestinian excommunication, 
32 ; embassy coldly received in 
Rome, 33 ; election as King of 
Germany declared null, 34 ; de- 
nounced as perjurer, 35 ; superior 
wealth and position in Germany, 
recognises Jupan of Bohemia 
as King, 39 ; marries daughter 
Kunigunde to King of Bohemia, 
40 ; summons adherents to Coin, 
42 ; abdicates at Aachen, re- 
elected and crowned, 43 ; re-visits 
Coin, 44 ; negotiates with Inno- 
cent, reconciled to Church at 
Speyer, 45 ; accepts pontifical 
terms, disbands his army, 46 ; 
assassinated by Otto von Wittels- 
bach, 47 ; reproved for robbing 
Church property, 188 

Piacenza, 152, 153 ; Pietro da, Card., 
211 



270 



INDEX 



Pierleone, Egidio, Card., note 203, 213, 
219; Giovanni, demagogue, 163, 
164 ; raises Romans against Inno- 
cent, 165 

Pierleone, interferes in case of Poli vs. 
Conti, 167 ; nominates kinsman as 
senator, 169 ; Gregorio nominated 
as sole senator of Rome, 160 ; 
Wido, cr. Card. 1205, 215 

Pietro I of Capua, Card. Presb. SS. 
Marcellinus and Peter, legate to 
Venice, 65 ; Patriarch of Antioch, 
note 220, 250 

Pietro II of Capua, Card. Presb. SS. 
Marcellinus and Peter, Patriarch of 
Antioch, note 220, 250 

Pisa, 62, 152, 154, 156, 157; Gratiano 
da, Card., 212; Pandolfo, Masca 
da, Card., 211; Ridolfo, Nigelli 
da, Card., 211 

Pisans, interfere in Sicily, 97 ; to pay 
tithes in C P., 158 

Pius P. M. Villi, 9, 19 

Pius P. M. X, viiii 

Plaissiez, Philippe de, Grandmaster 
of the Order of the Temple of 
Solomon, 246 

Poland, Bishops of, 187 

Poli, Oddode', 166, 167 ; Ottaviano de', 
Pape Affinis, note 4, 1 1 ; Card., 211 

Pomerania, Duke of, 187 

Ponthieu, Guillaume Count of, 1st 
Alb. Crus., 121 

Poor Men of Lyons, 108 

" Pope ill-advised," case of a, 147 

Pope, position of, coronation charge to, 
note 54, 83 

Popes— Alexander P. M. Ill, 164; 
Alexander P. M. VI, 101 ; Celes- 
tine P.M. III. 17, 18, 176; Clement 
P. M. Ill, xx, 17 ; Clement P. M. 
VII, 173; Gregory P. M. VIII, 
16; Gregory P. M. VIIII, 214, 
note 182 ; Honorius P. M. Ill, 
144, 213 ; Innocent P. M. Ill, 
g.v. ; Innocent P. M. VIII, 71 ; 
Leo P. M. XIII, 101 ; Pius P. M. 
VIIII, 9, 19; Pius P. M. X, ix; 
Urban P. M. VIII, 101 



Poplicani, 108, 109 

Potthast, 37 

Premonstratensians, 61 

Publicians, 108 

Purgatory, denied by Waldenses, 112 

Querini, Ottone, Venetian Elector in 
Romania, note 33, 71 

Radulf, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 250 

Rainer of Montferrat, titular King of 
Thessalonika, 72 

Rainerii, 170 

Raymond VI, Toulouse, excom., 106 ; 
peccatorum omnium apotheca, 
second excom., 119; appeals in 
Rome, 120; quarrels with legates, 
122; appeals for help to Aragon, 
quarrels with Simon de Montfort, 
besieges Carcassonne, 123 ; de- 
feated at Muret, 125 ; serves under 
Simon at siege of Casseneuil, 
pleads before Lateran Council, 
125 ; is deposed, pensioned by 
Pope, dies, 126; letters to, 256 

Raymond-Roger, Viscount of Beziers, 
106 

Real Presence, denied bytAlbigensians, 

113 

Reggio, Archbishop of, note 58, 88 

Reginald, Subprior of Christ Church, 
Canterbury, 133, 134 

Relics preserved during Sack of Byzan- 
tion, 70, 71 

Renter, Cist. Legate to Albigensians, 
107 

Rheims, Guillaume de Blois, Arch- 
bishop of ist Alb. Cms., 211 

Rhodes, 72 

Richard I Lionheart, note 81, 130- 

131 

Roche, Othon de la, Crusader, 63 ; 
Megaskyr of Athens, 72; letters, 

255 

Roches, Guillaume des, Seneschal of 
Anjou, ist Alb. Cms., 121 

Rodriguez, Sancho, Grandmaster of 
the Order of Santiago, 247 

Roccabruna, 242 



INDEX 



271 



Rochester, Bishop of, Crucifer of Prov. 
Cant., 132 

Rogerio, Card., 215 

Rolfe, Fr., note 26, 57 

Romania, First Emperor of, 71 ; Elec- 
tors of, notes 32, 33, 71 ; Constable 
of, 77 

Rouen, Robert Poulain Archbishop of, 
1st Alb. Crus., 121 

Ruggero, Card. O.S.B., 121 

Ruggiero, King of Sicily, note 58, 88 

Sabatati, 108, 109 

Sabina, the, recovered for the Apos- 
tolic See, 163 

Sack of Byzantion, 70 

Sacro Speco, Innocent's portrait in, 
240 

Saissac, Bertrand de, 106 

Salah-ed-din (Saladin), 60 

Salerno, Cardinal Giovanni da, 212 

Salisbury, Bishop of, Precentor Prov. 
Cant, 132; John of, his doubts 
concerning archdeacons, 141 

Salza, Hermann von, Grand Master of 
the Teutonic Order, 247 

Salzburg, Aldebert, Archbishop of, 26 

Sancta Sophia, Latin Mass in, 81 

Sancho I, King of Portugal, 242 ; re- 
buked for robbing churches, 188 

San Germano, surrenders to Markwald, 
89 ; visited by Innocent, 207 

San Tommaso informis, Church given 
to Trinitarians, note g8, 173 

Sardinia, 152 ; unsatisfactory condition, 
154 ; system of misgovernment, 
Innocent Suzerain, 155 ; attempt 
to restore order, 156; Pisan inter- 
ference, 156, 157 

Sarno, castle of, Gaultier de Brienne 
killed at, 98 

Sasso, Pietro, Card., 215 

Savelli, Cencio, Card., afterwards 
Honorius P. M. Ill, note 180, 213, 
218 
Saxony, Duke of, Bernard II, xvi, 26 ; 

Elector of the Empire, 48 
Schonfeld, Leopold von, Ghibelline, 
Archbishop of Mainz, xxiii, 37 



Scotti, Paolo de', Innocent's uncle, 11 
Seif-ed-din, position of, 60 ; rumours 

concerning, 64 ; letter to, 245 
Sens, Pierre de Corbeil Archbishop of, 

13, 1st Alb. Crus., 121 
Serbs submit to Rome, 186 
Serra, Pietro di, Judge of Arborea, 155 
Sessa, Card., Gherardo da, note 200, 

216, 218 
Sicard, Albigensiarch, 105 
Sicily, Chapter V, suzerainty of, 82, 

83 ; incumbrance to the Papacy) 

85 ; troubled by Markwald, 86 ; 

documents concerning, note 58, 88 ; 

Otto's invasion of, 98 ; Innocent's 

services to, 98, 99 ; Frederick II's 

marriage, 190 
Sigtuna, destroyed by Wends, note 128, 

195 
Sigurdr, usurper in Norway, 194 
Simon de Montfort v. Montfort 
Sition, castle of, to be restored to 

Templars, 240 
Soissons, Nivelon de Cherisy, Bishop 

of, Crusader, 61 ; Latin Elector in 

Romania, 71 ; Archbishop of Thes- 

salonika, 77 
Sonnenburg, Lordship of, 26 
Sora, County of, Ricardo de' Conti, 207 ; 

visited by Innocent, note ijj, 47 
Soule (Syla), thievish Lord of, 77 
St. Andrew, head translated to Rome, 

91 

St. Antonin, Abbey of, 120, 121 
St. Dominic, 118, 127 
St. Francis of Assisi, 11 1 
St. Gilles, Abbey of, 106 
St. Hugh (Great), note 8fa, 139 
St. Jean Pied du Port, 242 
St. Mark, Republic of, v. Venice 
St. Peter-by-the- Vatican, 164 
St. Pol, Count of, Crusader, 61, 63 
St. Pons de Tomieres, Abbey of, 121 
St. Thomas of Canterbury, exile at 
Pontigny, 137 ; Innocent's pilgrim- 
age to, 257 
Stade, Lordship of, 26 
Stamboul, 81 
Stephana, sentence on, note 71, 113 



272 



INDEX 



Stockholm, foundation of, note 128, 195 
Strassburg, Heinrich, Bishop of, 26; 

adheres to Otto, 28 
Stubbs, Bishop, note 84, 136 
Subiaco, Innocent's portrait at, 204 
Sverker, King of Sweden, 195, 243 
Sweden, position of Church in, 195 

Tancred, King of Sicily, 93 

Taranto, Principality of, 93 

Templars acquire land in Romania, 77 ; 

robbed by King of Armenia, 80 ; 

letters, note 109, 182 
Terzago, Uberto da, cr. Card. 1207, 216 
Thebes, Lordship of, 72 ; thievishness 

of Lord of, 73-77 ; letters to 

Archbishop of, note 46, 78 ; letters 

to Canons of, note 48, 78 ; letters 

to Lord of, note 34, 74 
Thedisius, Canon of Genoa, Legate in 

Albigeois, 120 
Theodoli, Gregorio, cr. Card. 12 12, 

216, 219 
Theodoros, Laskaris, Basileus of Nikaia, 

67, 72, 76, 240 
Theodosius, Column of, 70 
Thermopylai, Bishop of, note £2, 79 
Thessalonika, Queen of, 78, 253 
Thieneo, Uguccione Bobone, Card., 212 
Tiber and Infanticide, 172 
Toledo v. Jews, Rodrigo, Archbishop 

of, 198 
Tommaso (del Vescovo da Capua), cr. 

Card. 1212, 217, 219 
Treviso, 153, 154 
Trier, Archbishop of, xxiii ; bribed by 

Otto, 26 ; deserted to Philip, 28 ; 

crowns Philip, censured, pardoned, 

32 ; named Elector of the Empire, 

48 
Trinci, Giandominico, cr. Card. 1212, 

217 
Tripoli, eccentric Count of, 58 
Troja, Walther, Bishop of, Chancellor 

of Sicily, supports Markwald, 87 ; 

letter, note 38, 88; desires See, 

administers demesnes of Palermo, 

92 ; incommoded by Gaultier de 

Brienne, 94 ; quarrels with Mark- 



wald, excommunicated, 96; de- 
feated at Barletta, 97 
Trondhjem, Abbot of, ablegate in 

Norway, 194 
Toron, Henfrid of, 184 
Toul, Bishop of, 2nd Alb. Crus., 123 
Toulousain, Bishops of, 75 ; heresy in, 

102; of little faith, 128 
Toulouse, Count of, v. Raymond VI, 

Fulcrand, Bishop of, 105 ; intruded 

Bishop of, deposed, 118 
Tournaments forbidden, 61, 251 
Tours, Council of, 103, 109 
Troyes, Gamier Bishop of, 61 ; 

Crusader, Latin Elector in 

Romania, note 32, 71 
Tuscany, Matildan territory, 23 ; 

Philip of Swabia invested with, 24 ; 

Rectors of and Innocent against 

Markwald, 89 
Tusculum destroyed by Romans, 65 
Tyrnovo, Archbishop of, 196, 197 
Tzetzes, the poet, his prophecy, 70 

Ubaldini, Ottavio, Ca.rd.,note 204, 219 
Umbria, roused by Innocent against 

the Germans, 88 
Utrecht, Bishop of, Crusader, 27 

Vaissete, O.S.B., 107 

Valdimar, Bishop, ambitious bastard, 

I95> 243 

Valdimar II, King of Denmark, note 
129, 195, 243 

Valois, Felix de, co-founder of Trini- 
tarians, 173 

Varni, Lord of, Land-thief, 165 

Vatican Palace, note 757, 208 

Vegetarian Heresy, 106 

Velletri, visited by Innocent, 166-206 

Venetians, banausic, 62 ; Pope's 
suspicions of, 63 ; reported to be 
bribed by Saracens, 64 ; employ 
Crusaders to take Zara, 65 
excessive position in Romania, 75 
made to pay tithes, note 44, 78 
monopoly of Canonries in Con- 
stantinople, 79 > dispute election 
of new Patriarch, 80 



INDEX 



27, 



Verden, Abbot of, Guelf, 27, 43 ; 

deserts to Ghibellines, 44 
Vermandois, Countess, advowsons of, 

237 

Verona, 153 

Veroneikon, 172 

Vicar of Christ, title assumed by 
Innocent, note 147, 205 

Vico, Pietro, Imperial Prefect of Rome, 
162 ; swears allegiance to Inno- 
cent, note 93, 163 

Villehardouin, Geoffrey de, Crusader, j 
61, 69 ; Romanian titles of, 63 

Visconti, Lamberto, of Pisa, 157 

Vismes, sentence on Huguette de, 
note 75, 115 

Viterbo, heretical, 159 ; heresy sup- 
pressed, 160 ; claims Vitorchiano, 
samsonizes gates of St. Peter's, 
164 ; quarrels with Rome, war, 
Innocent's diplomacy, 165 ; Gio- 
vanni Toscanella da, Card., 211 

Vitorchiano, 164, 165 

Waipen, Bishop of, 195 

Waldenses, tenets of, 108, 109, III, 
112 

Walter, Hubert, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, 132, 251 

Walther, Chancellor of Sicily v. Troja 



Wilfred, Lord Abbot of Mount St. 

Bernard's Abbey, Cist., note 85a, 

138 
William the Lyon, 139 
Winchester, Bishop of, Sub-Dean Prov. 

Cant., 132; Peter des Roches, 

Bishop of, 253 
Winterstadt, Volkwin von, Grand- 
master of the Order of Christ, 247 
Wittelsbach, Konrad von, Card., 211 ; 

Otto von, assassin of Philip of 

Swabia, 47 
Worcester, Bishop of, Chaplain Prov. 

Cant., 132; Mauger, Bishop of, 

note 85, 137 

Xiphilin, Georgius II, Patriarch of 
Byzantion, 248 

York — Geoffrey, Archbishop of, 140 ; 
Otto, Earl of, note 15, note Si, 
25, 131 ; Langton's prebend of, 
note Si,' i 35 

Zahringen, Berthold, Duke of, 254 
Zara, attacked) 64 ; besieged, 65 ; 

taken, 66 
Ziani, Pietro, Doge, 247 
Ziza, Palace of la, 94 



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